We measure the effect of unemployment benefit duration on employment. We exploit the variation
induced by the decision of Congress in December 2013 not to reauthorize the unprecedented benefit
extensions introduced during the Great Recession. Federal benefit extensions that ranged from 0 to
47 weeks across U.S. states at the beginning of December 2013 were abruptly cut to zero. To achieve
identification we use the fact that this policy change was exogenous to cross-sectional differences
across U.S. states and we exploit a policy discontinuity at state borders. We find that a 1% drop in
benefit duration leads to a statistically significant increase of employment by 0.0161 log points. In
levels, 1.8 million additional jobs were created in 2014 due to the benefit cut. Almost 1 million of
these jobs were filled by workers from out of the labor force who would not have participated in the
labor market had benefit extensions been reauthorized.
Full paper here:
http://c0.nrostatic.com/sites/default/files/w20884.pdf
I can't believe that I missed this thread! It must have fallen below the crease for me when I have checked the board.
I am assuming that you have read the paper. Can you explain to me what an "interactive effects estimator" is and how it is applied here? It is somewhat critical to understanding the paper and a search for it says that it is related to dynamic scoring, to inter-temporal models, a fancy way of saying that over time the policy changes behavior.
I haven't seen any other discussions of this paper than the National Review article that predictably took it as gospel not because they had veted the paper's methodology but because the abstract buttered their preconceived biases.
My first blush is that the paper is right on the basics. If you pay for something, unemployment in this case, you will get more of it. Of course, higher unemployment compensation will get you more unemployment over time.
But the purpose of unemployment compensation isn't to reduce unemployment, it is to reduce the impact of unemployment to the individual. Yes, it allows them to be pickier about the job that they take. Once again, this is not a flaw in unemployment insurance, it is one of the reasons for it. To prevent the unemployed worker from having to take a job just to get by, a job that doesn't utilize their full capabilities. Remember that one of the reasons that we have an economy is to fully utilize a scarce resource. If people have to take a job just to get by it starts a cascade of people who have to do the same. The job that I take that doesn't use my skills and training is someone else's job that does utilize their skills and training fully. Now he has to take an even lower skill required job forcing in turn, someone else to settle for an even lower job, and so on. The net result should be more people employed but an overall lower wage structure, exactly what happened in 2014, as the authors admitted. And exactly what unemployment compensation is designed to prevent.
Also another reason for unemployment compensation is that the money used for it is spent in the real economy, not in Wall Street's various zero sum gambling paper so-called investments where the QEs' money goes. It boosts the economy during recessions. It is one of the automatic compensators that help to stabilize the economy in a downturn.
What is questionable in my mind is the claim that the lack of this relatively small amount of money "created” 1.8 million jobs by itself. There is no inflection point in the build up of the number of jobs coming out of the recession. There is a massive inconstancy in some people's view about whether government spending can create jobs. In this case they are making the claim that the absence of government spending is creating jobs. It seems that when we talk about government defense spending suddenly the opposite is true, government spending does create jobs and the absence of government spending destroys jobs.
The methodology of the study is what is known as a regression discontinuity, cross border, research design. The discontinuity is the border of course. These are the same kind of studies as the ones confirming that increases in the minimum wage don't result in unemployment, only in a possible decrease in the rate of future increases in employment if the increase comes when there is full equilibrium employment or that increased taxes on the wealthy increase wages.
Always when you have such a study you have to answer a few questions. Were there any other factors that could have explained the improvement cross the borders between the more generous states and the less generous ones and are the windows that were looked at, counties, free from contamination by other discontinuity factors, the opening or closing of a major employer for example. These are not addressed in the preliminary paper. This is not to say that there is a problem, but they have to be addressed.
Also, I always cringe at the assumption used here that the impact on the macroeconomy is 310 million times the impact on a single individual. For most effects in the macroeconomy the reverse is true, the macroeconomy has to be a mirror not a copy of the microeconomy. It has to behave in the opposite direction to the micro effects. If the micro is not spending then the macro has to spend. If the micro is spending the macro has to save.
It is satisfying to have something that you feel, that higher unemployment compensation does result in more unemployment over time. But as I said, the purpose of unemployment compensation isn't to reduce the unemployment. What would be more satisfying is if they would now do a study of whether unemployment compensation fulfills its purposes that I outlined above.
Sorry about the misspellings and any bad grammar, I can't stay, I have to get ready for a dinner tonight. I will read the thread tonight and see how close I got to others answering this tread.