lpetrich
Contributor
To understand this, let us go back to the first and only Constitutional Convention ever, back in Philadelphia in 1787. After deciding on the composition of Congress, the Founders moved on to the election of the President. Among the possibilities that they considered was Congress electing the President, but they decided that that would make the Presidency too dependent on Congress, so they rejected that. That made the Presidency a separate power base in the Federal Government.
The first President, George Washington, was very modest, wanting no title fancier than "Mister President". He reluctantly served a second term, and he quit at the end of it.
But later Presidents expanded the power of the Presidency. Abraham Lincoln in the Civil war, Woodrow Wilson in World War I, and FDR the New Deal and WWII. By the early 1970's, Presidents had expanded their powers enough for Arthur Schlesinger Jr. to write a book, "The Imperial Presidency".
America Is Eerily Retracing Rome’s Steps to a Fall. Will It Turn Around Before It’s Too Late? - POLITICO
Describing Julius Caesar as like Donald Trump in being a populist demagogue. Complete with surviving scandals about him. Like how he how was "Queen of Bithynia", a reference to an alleged relationship with the king of that territory. But I've never seen Trump called Putin's girlfriend. At least not yet.
Trump has talked about serving a third term and even of being President for Life.
That article made numerous parallels, including:
The first President, George Washington, was very modest, wanting no title fancier than "Mister President". He reluctantly served a second term, and he quit at the end of it.
But later Presidents expanded the power of the Presidency. Abraham Lincoln in the Civil war, Woodrow Wilson in World War I, and FDR the New Deal and WWII. By the early 1970's, Presidents had expanded their powers enough for Arthur Schlesinger Jr. to write a book, "The Imperial Presidency".
America Is Eerily Retracing Rome’s Steps to a Fall. Will It Turn Around Before It’s Too Late? - POLITICO
Describing Julius Caesar as like Donald Trump in being a populist demagogue. Complete with surviving scandals about him. Like how he how was "Queen of Bithynia", a reference to an alleged relationship with the king of that territory. But I've never seen Trump called Putin's girlfriend. At least not yet.
Trump has talked about serving a third term and even of being President for Life.
That article made numerous parallels, including:
Trump’s opponents, too, have often reacted like Caesar’s: at first with pearl-clutching incredulity about his “unpresidential” image while failing completely to deal with the power of his message—followed by a propensity to adopt a Trumpian, Caesarean style of “us vs. them” communication themselves. The first presidential debate confirmed this shift, as Biden responded to Trump’s constant attacks with needling, personal rebuttals. Many Democrats don’t advocate a return to “normalcy” brought about by reconciliation, but are rather preparing for a reckoning if Biden wins—expanding and packing the Supreme Court, extending the franchise of statehood and securing the conviction of the Trump leadership.
These parallels come with a warning for the United States today: Two thousand years ago, many establishment Romans misunderstood the damage that Caesar was doing to the state’s political culture and institutions, and a nervously asserted sense of complacency continued in certain circles. History’s most famous orator, Cicero, decried this complacency—the belief that the damage of “one bad consul” could always be undone. In Rome, that was far from the case: Caesar left office legitimized, emboldened and—even in his absence—an ever-present force in the political landscape of Republican Rome. When he departed for the provinces, the rot of authoritarian populism had already set in. Rome fell almost immediately into civic violence as new leaders of the Caesarean ideology emerged, jostling for power. Even Cicero, whose political philosophy was constructed on the idea of consensus within the state, began to speak of society “divided in two.” By failing to curtail Caesar, and failing to address the deep social and structural inequalities driving ordinary supporters into his arms, the establishment ensured that the tribal rhetoric espoused by Caesar at the contio translated into a destructive and pervasive authoritarian ideology.
With violence now a legitimate form of political expression, when Caesar returned to Rome, it was at the head of an army. The environment of strongman politics he helped to create left civil war and violence as the only effective means of political change—and ultimately sealed his own fate. After he had himself appointed “Dictator for Life,” there was no longer a legitimate political avenue by which to remove him: The result, famously, was a bloody tyrannicide in the Senate house itself. But even with his death, transformation of Rome’s political culture into the rule of the strong could not be reversed, as new contenders emerged for yet another round of brutal civil wars that finally extinguished the Republic once and for all.