Thumpalumpacus said:
No, because there is an obvious political dimension which you are eliding that is certainly not present in your standard-issue job interview.
I'm not eliding anything. It was not a trial, but a job interview. Of course, it has unusual characteristics. For example, a person may be the enemy of some of the people deciding whether to hire him (as it was clearly the case here), and get the job because his enemies are outnumbered by his allies, who happen to be the enemies of the other people whether to hire him. Weird, right?
But at the end of the day, there is no "beyond a reasonable doubt" standard, or even a "preponderance of evidence" standard, and the people making the choice have a big leeway in how they make their choice.
For example, you said:
Thumpalumpacus said:
Was it a job interview? No. It was a chance to examine the man. I myself think he falls short of SCOTUS-quality judgeship: overly emotional, dissimulative, would rather attack than listen or answer ... nah
But that is a job interview. They examine him, and they make their choice, with a lot of leeway.
Thumpalumpacus said:
In particular his answer about whether he'd ever drank to a black-out state, and he demanded the Senator conducting the questioning whether she had done so as well. Hope that helps. But in general, his combativeness, conspiracy-theorizing, and exalting trifles while minimizing key issues call into question his ability to maintain objectivity in hearings and decisions, to my mind.
He was combative against those who had already decided to vote against him - and some of whom were accusing him.
Now, if that hearing had been the only thing we know of him, sure, that would call into question what his ability. But his track record swamps that evidence with a lot more evidence (indeed, I'm not even sure he was being emotional or delivering an Oscar-winning performance to get the political effect he intended). I think there are good reasons to vote against him (especially if Roe v. Wade and other cases were correctly decided). But I don't think evidence agains his ability coming from this hearing is one of them.
On the other hand, his reputation was seriously tainted among legal scholars because of that hearing. That gives a reason to vote against: to protect the reputation of the SCOTUS. Of course, if he had behaved in a calm manner, plenty of people would accuse him of being cold, etc., and would still hate him. In short, the reputation of the Court was going to be damaged regardless.
Thumpalumpacus said:
That's your own opinion; fair enough. That is not the nature of the impeachment process, though.
It is the nature of the the process that begins by impeachment and continues with a trial by the Senate. The person is found
guilty if the accusation succeeds. I'm saying is morally wrong to find someone guilty and punish them without evidence beyond a reasonable doubt of guilt.
Thumpalumpacus said:
And again, that's an opinion you hold. That's fine; we disagree.
But it's a correct opinion. Why do you think evidence beyond a reasonable doubt is required in criminal proceedings?
Thumpalumpacus said:
It certainly appears to be the case regarding his descriptions. Of course, such an abbreviated follow-up investigation which didn't interview many of his cohorts would likely not produce evidence sufficient to convince you.
Yes, that's very probable, though at this point, perhaps more evidence is required from my epistemic perspective. I would need to know more about the interviews of the classmates, etc. But "very probable" is, well, very probable.
As for the follow-up investigation, the results are not public, but it is safe to say that it did not produce more evidence about that, because it was not even trying: they weren't assessing perjury, but sexual offenses.
Also, I think if the FBI were to investigate him for perjury, there is a good chance that they would find evidence beyond a reasonable doubt.
Thumpalumpacus said:
I disagree. When you ask whether or not the lie he may have told would lower our faith in his good work or not, that is indeed a reference to the nature of the lie. It doesn't matter whether the lie would affect our perception of his judicial qualities. The fact that he lied under oath, if shown to be true, is regnant.
I was not talking about the
merits of the lie. The content of the lie was irrelevant to the point I was making. Your reply "I really don't care what he lied about" does not engage my point.
Thumpalumpacus said:
I'm a pretty simple guy. If you commit a felony in the process of seeking a judgeship on the highest court in the land, you're prima facie demonstrating unfitness.
I'm a guy that tries to disambiguate ambiguous assessments, like "unfitness" here, or "disqualifying". So, I considered to senses in which something could be "disqualifying" (a similar analysis would apply to "unfit"), when I said:
me said:
As for whether committing the crime of lying under oath is disqualifying, we need to be more precise about what one means by "disqualifying". If the question is whether we should significantly lower our credence that he will do a good job, then the answer is "no", given that his track record as a judge - for good or ill - is far weightier than any such evidence, so it pretty much swamps everything.
On the other hand, if he did lie under oath and there is evidence beyond a reasonable doubt of that, then arguably he does not deserve to be in the Supreme Court, so it's disqualifying in that sense.
Note that my assessment
was not based on what he lied about, but rather, on whether we are assessing his capability to perform the duties of the job, or his moral character and whether he deserves the job (or more precisely but more cumbersome, whether it is the case that he deserves not to get the job).
Thumpalumpacus said:
His fitness for the bench is certainly pertinent to your discussion.
No, it was not. If you want to discuss that, I offer to do so. Your implication I want to avoid that is false (other than my generally wanting to avoid long debates here because it's too taxing, but I already posted when I shouldn't have, so I'm playing already), and so is your implication that I'm a Kavanaugh supporter. I'm not anyone's supporter in this context.