I'm surprised to hear that. You're arguing from outside the text.
No, it's a partisan witch hunt in search of a legal theory.
The subtitles of the ACA immediately surrounding the provision in question are a set of interlinking pieces: they add new requirements on insurers to make insurance accessible; impose the infamous individual mandate on the public to populate the insurance pools; and create the federal and state exchanges and authorize the subsidies (which the exchanges deliver) to make insurance purchase accessible and affordable enough for the individuals now required to purchase it. In their 2012 joint dissent in NFIB v. Sebelius, Justices Scalia, Kennedy, Thomas, and Alito read these parts as making no logical sense without one another and also read the statute to include subsidies on federal exchanges:
“Congress provided a backup scheme; if a State declines to participate in the operation of an exchange, the Federal Government will step in and operate an exchange in that State.”
and then:
“That system of incentives collapses if the federal subsidies are invalidated. Without the federal subsidies, individuals would lose the main incentive to purchase insurance inside the exchanges, and some insurers may be unwilling to offer insurance inside of exchanges. With fewer buyers and even fewer sellers, the exchanges would not operate as Congress intended and may not operate at all.”
Two examples:
[...] the ACA’s text – not its purpose or its legislative history, or anything else that textualists don’t generally consider – is slashed to pieces under the challengers’ reading. Two examples from a list of many offered in the briefing:
Section 36B(f)(3) requires “[e]ach Exchange (or any person carrying out 1 or more responsibilities of an Exchange under section 1311(f)(3) or 1321(c)” to report the premiums doled out. Section 1321 is the federal exchange provision, and so this section is rendered meaningless if the federal exchanges have no subsidies.
Likewise Section 1312(f) provides that only “qualified individuals” can purchase on an Exchange but defines a qualified individual as one who “resides in the State that established the Exchange.” Failure to understand a federally operated exchange as the legal equivalent of a state exchange would mean that federal exchanges have no customers.
Justice Scalia’s own statutory interpretation treatise argues (at pages 63 and 168) that “there can be no justification for needlessly rendering provisions in conflict if they can be interpreted harmoniously,” and that statutory provisions should not be interpreted to render them ineffective or superfluous.
In conclusion,
Textualists have spent the past thirty years persuading even their opponents of the jurisprudential benefits of a sophisticated text-based interpretive approach. The King challengers put that all at risk. To be clear: my argument isn’t about the merits of the ACA. The ACA isn’t perfect health policy. But the King challenge is all about the ACA’s merits. They have vowed to destroy the statute at any cost, even if it means corrupting textualism to do it.
I'm surprised to hear that. You're arguing from outside the text.
No, I am very much arguing within the text itself.
Justice Scalia’s own statutory interpretation treatise argues (at pages 63 and 168) that “there can be no justification for needlessly rendering provisions in conflict if they can be interpreted harmoniously,” and that statutory provisions should not be interpreted to render them ineffective or superfluous.
I care because???? This is very edifying information but not germane to my position.
Furthermore, it is quite possible, and very likely, Scalia's comments on those two pages are misused by the commentator in the context of the ACA. I suspect, without having the benefit of any communication with J. Scalia, is when and where the plain text says X, those two principles announced on pages 63 and 168 cannot be relied upon to have plain text say Y. This is all I will say on this digression.
[...] the ACA’s text – not its purpose or its legislative history, or anything else that textualists don’t generally consider – is slashed to pieces under the challengers’ reading. Two examples from a list of many offered in the briefing:
Section 36B(f)(3) requires “[e]ach Exchange (or any person carrying out 1 or more responsibilities of an Exchange under section 1311(f)(3) or 1321(c)” to report the premiums doled out. Section 1321 is the federal exchange provision, and so this section is rendered meaningless if the federal exchanges have no subsidies.
Likewise Section 1312(f) provides that only “qualified individuals” can purchase on an Exchange but defines a qualified individual as one who “resides in the State that established the Exchange.” Failure to understand a federally operated exchange as the legal equivalent of a state exchange would mean that federal exchanges have no customers.
This is a good example of a consequence of a poorly written statute. However, this does not transform the language expressing those Exchanges established by the State are eligible for the subsidy. Contrary to the commentator's assertion, this isn't an example or evidence in conjunction with textualism reaching a result textualism would produce. Rather, this is an example and evidence of legislative intent.
Textualists have spent the past thirty years persuading even their opponents of the jurisprudential benefits of a sophisticated text-based interpretive approach. The King challengers put that all at risk. To be clear: my argument isn’t about the merits of the ACA. The ACA isn’t perfect health policy. But the King challenge is all about the ACA’s merits. They have vowed to destroy the statute at any cost, even if it means corrupting textualism to do it.
Wonderful red herring as this is not the issue in this thread but is most certainly a tantalizing issue worthy of dialogue elsewhere.