lpetrich
Contributor
The Birth of the New American Aristocracy - The Atlantic
Author Matthew Stewart describing an earlier, fading aristocracy:
After noting the 1% vs. 99% story that many of us have been telling ourselves, he concludes that it is very oversimplified.
Not surprisingly, not many people do so in practice. "Contrary to popular myth, economic mobility in the land of opportunity is not high, and it’s going down." A good measure of that is "intergenerational earnings elasticity", how much one's earnings differ from the earnings of one's parents. Around 1970 it was less than 0.3, and it is now 0.5 and climbing. Looking at the US's northern neighbor, Canada, it has an IGE about half that. In between, there is plenty of mobility, but the US has much less mobility at the bottom and at the top.
Comparing different countries, the more inequality, the higher the IGE. Those on the top become experts at keeping themselves there. Economist Alan Krueger calls it the Great Gatsby Curve, after that novel of 1920's excess.
Author Matthew Stewart describing an earlier, fading aristocracy:
After his very middle-class upbringing, "I’ve joined a new aristocracy now, even if we still call ourselves meritocratic winners."At the age of 11 or 12, I gathered from him, between his puffs of cigar smoke, that we owed our weeks of plenty to Great-Grandfather, Colonel Robert W. Stewart, a Rough Rider with Teddy Roosevelt who made his fortune as the chairman of Standard Oil of Indiana in the 1920s. I was also given to understand that, for reasons traceable to some ancient and incomprehensible dispute, the Rockefellers were the mortal enemies of our clan. Only much later in life did I learn that the stories about the Colonel and his tangles with titans fell far short of the truth.
By any sociological or financial measure, it’s good to be us. It’s even better to be our kids. In our health, family life, friendship networks, and level of education, not to mention money, we are crushing the competition below. But we do have a blind spot, and it is located right in the center of the mirror: We seem to be the last to notice just how rapidly we’ve morphed, or what we’ve morphed into.
The meritocratic class has mastered the old trick of consolidating wealth and passing privilege along at the expense of other people’s children.
After noting the 1% vs. 99% story that many of us have been telling ourselves, he concludes that it is very oversimplified.
However, the 9.9 percent, the upper middle class to upper class, has been holding steady.It is in fact the top 0.1 percent who have been the big winners in the growing concentration of wealth over the past half century. According to the UC Berkeley economists Emmanuel Saez and Gabriel Zucman, the 160,000 or so households in that group held 22 percent of America’s wealth in 2012, up from 10 percent in 1963. If you’re looking for the kind of money that can buy elections, you’ll find it inside the top 0.1 percent alone.
Every piece of the pie picked up by the 0.1 percent, in relative terms, had to come from the people below. But not everyone in the 99.9 percent gave up a slice. Only those in the bottom 90 percent did. At their peak, in the mid-1980s, people in this group held 35 percent of the nation’s wealth. Three decades later that had fallen 12 points—exactly as much as the wealth of the 0.1 percent rose.
As to how much one would have to increase one's wealth from the national average to enter this class, in 1963, it was only 6 times, while in 2016, it was 12 times. To get to the middle of it requires 25 times. Thus being much like the 1920's.So what kind of characters are we, the 9.9 percent? We are mostly not like those flamboyant political manipulators from the 0.1 percent. We’re a well-behaved, flannel-suited crowd of lawyers, doctors, dentists, mid-level investment bankers, M.B.A.s with opaque job titles, and assorted other professionals—the kind of people you might invite to dinner. In fact, we’re so self-effacing, we deny our own existence. We keep insisting that we’re “middle class.”
Not surprisingly, not many people do so in practice. "Contrary to popular myth, economic mobility in the land of opportunity is not high, and it’s going down." A good measure of that is "intergenerational earnings elasticity", how much one's earnings differ from the earnings of one's parents. Around 1970 it was less than 0.3, and it is now 0.5 and climbing. Looking at the US's northern neighbor, Canada, it has an IGE about half that. In between, there is plenty of mobility, but the US has much less mobility at the bottom and at the top.
Comparing different countries, the more inequality, the higher the IGE. Those on the top become experts at keeping themselves there. Economist Alan Krueger calls it the Great Gatsby Curve, after that novel of 1920's excess.
For instance, "According to one study, the last time marriage partners sorted themselves by educational status as much as they do now was in the 1920s."Money may be the measure of wealth, but it is far from the only form of it. Family, friends, social networks, personal health, culture, education, and even location are all ways of being rich, too. These nonfinancial forms of wealth, as it turns out, aren’t simply perks of membership in our aristocracy. They define us.
In 19th-century England, the rich really were different. They didn’t just have more money; they were taller—a lot taller. According to a study colorfully titled “On English Pygmies and Giants,” 16-year-old boys from the upper classes towered a remarkable 8.6 inches, on average, over their undernourished, lower-class countrymen. We are reproducing the same kind of division via a different set of dimensions.
Obesity, diabetes, heart disease, kidney disease, and liver disease are all two to three times more common in individuals who have a family income of less than $35,000 than in those who have a family income greater than $100,000. Among low-educated, middle-aged whites, the death rate in the United States—alone in the developed world—increased in the first decade and a half of the 21st century.