NoHolyCows
Senior Member
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Exactly. Their jobs do not matter, as they do not prove that they were not also combatants.
Then you’ve just admitted the core problem: flipping the burden of proof. Under international law, civilians are presumed protected unless there’s clear evidence they’re directly participating in hostilities. If your position is “their job doesn’t prove innocence,” you’ve abandoned that presumption entirely.
That’s not how lawful warfare works. It’s how targeting becomes suspicion-based killing—and why so many civilians, including journalists, keep dying without accountability.
We as public rarely have access to such operational evidence and as such should not presume that non exists and that the strikes are unlawful.
That’s exactly why the burden isn’t on civilians to prove their innocence—it’s on the military to justify its strikes. If evidence exists, it must be documented and accountable. Otherwise, “just trust us” becomes a license to kill without scrutiny. That’s not justice. That’s impunity.
Support often involves actions. Like operating rocket launchers or agreeing to keep hostages captive.
Exactly—and those are actions that would strip someone of civilian protections. But unless there’s specific evidence that a person operated a rocket launcher or held a hostage, they remain a civilian. That’s how the law works. You don’t kill first and guess later.
Somebody does not have to carry a personal weapon to be a combatant. That in itself is not evidence of non-involvement.
True—but the burden of proof still matters. Wearing a symbol or living in Gaza isn’t enough to strip someone of protection. Without concrete evidence of active participation, you’re not targeting combatants—you’re targeting assumptions. That’s not justice. It’s a war crime.
The question is not which is "majority", especially when you add up two different groups to get to a slight majority (55%). If two groups that together comprise 75% of the population, but only 55% of the dead, then they are significantly underrepresented among the dead.
I do not understand your point about Hamas numbers. If they have a vested interest in exaggerating civilian deaths, and downplaying combatant deaths, then in reality <55% of the dead are probably "women and children".
If even Hamas—who you say exaggerates—admits 55% of the dead are women and children, then the real number could be higher, not lower. And claiming they’re “underrepresented” in death relative to population size ignores the core issue: tens of thousands of civilians are still dead. The goal isn’t demographic proportionality—it’s preventing unlawful killing.
I am not saying people should be profiled and targeted based on age and gender alone.
I am saying that if we look at fatality distribution, and IDF is targeting combatants, then we would expect to see disproportionally many fatalities belonging to demographic slices that combatants belong to. Most combatants are males between 15 and 45, and that's what we see in the data. Therefore, even Hamas data is consistent with the fact that IDF is targeting combatants rather than indiscriminately bombing neighborhoods.
That logic only holds if you have independent proof that those fatalities were fighters. But you’re inferring combatant status from the result, not proving it. Civilian protection doesn’t vanish because someone fits a demographic profile. That’s not data analysis—it’s reverse-engineered justification.
It is the Hamas et al that makee things more dangerous for civilians. Why should we not blame them for it?
Because blaming Hamas for putting civilians at risk doesn’t erase Israel’s obligation not to kill them. You don’t get to shift responsibility for civilian deaths just because the enemy is immoral. That’s not how law—or ethics—works.
These criminals are targeting civilians. Like Hamas.
Then condemn them both. But don’t use one crime to excuse another. If targeting civilians is wrong, it’s wrong—no matter who does it. That’s what moral consistency means.
Then show where IDF bombed indiscriminately and I will condemn it. But saying that many civilians came to harm without condemning Hamas et al for putting them in that danger is what's depraved.
If you’re only willing to condemn civilian deaths when they’re “indiscriminate,” but always shift blame to Hamas the moment they occur, then you’re not applying a standard—you’re creating an excuse. Restraint isn’t just about intention; it’s about outcome. And when the outcome is mass civilian death, the burden is on the power delivering the bombs—not just the one hiding behind the people hit by them.
NHC