But you aren't providing any solution other than bowing down.
No, protecting civilians is not “bowing down.” It’s choosing law over vengeance, humanity over expedience. The false binary you’re creating—either bomb civilians or surrender—is precisely the mindset that leads to atrocities. It’s not a solution. It’s a moral collapse disguised as strategy.
A real solution is one that upholds both security and legality. That includes targeted operations, humanitarian corridors, ceasefire negotiations, and coordinated international pressure—all of which have precedent and all of which are erased the moment you normalize collective punishment.
If your standard for “victory” requires justifying mass suffering, the problem isn’t a lack of alternatives. It’s a refusal to accept that restraint is strength, not weakness. And if you still think only cruelty “works,” then maybe the goal isn’t peace—it’s domination.
I wouldn't trust the UN to tell me the sun was out. The medical "NGOs" are under Hamas control if not outright Hamas.
And if 1 in 5 children were acutely malnourished we would easily be able to tell from pictures.
And you speak of one incident where some protesters temporarily blocked some trucks. How about the hundreds of truckloads that simply sit there in Gaza? And who is restricting water? Hamas used pipe for rockets rather than water. Fuel? You think the gas company will continue to supply gas when you don't pay the bill? Food? Hamas seizes most of the aid and resells it at very high prices to fund their operations.
Yes, it's engineered deprivation--but you fail to see that it's Hamas doing the engineering.
No, this isn’t just about “some protesters” or a few aid trucks. The systematic denial and restriction of aid into Gaza has been verified not just by the UN—whom you dismiss out of hand without evidence—but also by the World Food Programme, UNICEF, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, Doctors Without Borders, and independent journalists with no affiliation to Hamas. These groups don’t rely on Hamas data—they gather their own, often at great personal risk.
As for photos: acute malnutrition does show up in images—and it has. But the fact that children aren’t all visibly skeletal doesn’t mean they aren’t starving. That’s not how clinical starvation works. Your argument is like saying, “We don’t see third-degree burns, so the house must not have been on fire.” It’s not serious.
And the claim that aid is just “sitting in Gaza” ignores reality. Much of it never even enters due to Israeli inspection delays, arbitrary denials, and repeated closures of key border crossings. Even U.S. officials have publicly called this out. As for Hamas, yes, they’ve seized aid—but that doesn’t absolve the primary actor controlling the borders, the airspace, and the delivery system.
If Hamas builds tunnels, it’s not an excuse to bomb hospitals. If Hamas misuses aid, it’s not an excuse to throttle an entire population. That’s not moral clarity—it’s scapegoating.
The Geneva Conventions don’t say “you may starve civilians if Hamas misbehaves.” They say civilians must be protected in all circumstances. That’s not optional. It’s the law.
Hospitals--you still don't understand what Geneva says.
Aid convoys--Hamas "hijacks" (they show up, drive off with it, no resistance) a convoy, it becomes a valid target. They may call it "local security" but it's not.
Journalists--there is an amazing amount of overlap between the "journalists" and the Hamas propaganda people.
Doctors--nothing comes to mind at the moment. Note again, though, what I said about hospitals.
UN workers--strange how many have been revealed to be Hamas. Well above the population average.
Of course the numbers defy coincidence--because it's not coincidence. Basically everything that happens in Gaza is under Hamas control.
You don’t get to redefine Geneva law to suit your conclusions. The Geneva Conventions do not say, “If Hamas is nearby, the hospital is fair game.” They say that civilian infrastructure retains protection unless actively and exclusively used for hostile acts—and even then, proportionality and distinction still apply. Simply claiming Hamas operates “near” a hospital or in “control” of an area does not nullify legal protections. That’s not interpretation. That’s erasure.
You dismiss aid convoys as valid targets once Hamas “shows up.” But unless those trucks are proven to be used for military purposes, targeting them violates international law. That’s not speculation—that’s black letter law. “They might be hijacked” is not a justification. It’s a rationalization after the fact.
And on journalists and UN workers: if your standard is that association, employment, or working in Gaza equals membership in Hamas, then you’re not making a legal case—you’re collapsing every civilian distinction into suspicion. That’s not security. It’s blanket criminalization.
You say nothing comes to mind about doctors, yet thousands of medical workers have been killed, and hospitals rendered nonfunctional. Are they guilty too? Or is their death only noted when it can be explained away?
You’re not applying law. You’re creating an environment where the assumption of guilt extends to anyone trying to survive in Gaza, serve others, or report what’s happening. And that’s precisely how the rules of war fall apart—when suspicion becomes a substitute for evidence, and entire categories of people lose their rights because they live in the wrong place.
No, you don't understand. You're focusing on the "civilian" part and ignoring the targeting.
But that’s precisely where international law steps in. The Geneva Conventions and customary law don’t just ask who you were aiming at—they ask what precautions you took to minimize civilian harm, and whether the expected civilian casualties were proportional to the military advantage. This isn’t just about “targeting.” It’s about responsibility for foreseeable consequences.
If a military knowingly strikes targets in civilian areas—especially densely populated ones like Gaza—without effective evacuation, without time for warnings to be heeded, or with full knowledge that children are sheltering nearby, that’s not just tragic. That’s unlawful. Intent isn’t a shield when the effects are systematic and foreseeable.
And even under your framing, you can’t treat the presence of militants as a magic eraser for every civilian death that follows. If civilians are consistently the ones dying in disproportionate numbers, and if protected sites like hospitals and refugee camps are hit again and again, that’s not just a question of “targeting.” That’s a failure—or refusal—to uphold the laws of war.
Last estimates I saw on it was the invasion killed about 100,000 and most of the fighting was in the desert so civilian deaths would be low. Compare that with 500,000 that Saddam killed to parade in front of the cameras. If Iran hadn't subverted the country the war would have been a net plus for the citizens.
And note that it wasn't really false pretenses. Yes, we fucked up the intel and didn't realize we were chasing phantoms. But that's not why the war happened. Rather, Saddam kept taking things to the brink and only backing down when he was on the edge of getting clobbered. As soon as we backed down from being ready to strike immediately he would go right back to his troublemaking. Bush was tired of that and decided not to accept the pseudo-surrender at 11:59.
It went horribly wrong because the world has had a major case of blindness about Iran and didn't realize that you pretty much couldn't do a regime change in the area without Iran coming to power.
But the core issue remains: the war was launched under a false justification—Weapons of Mass Destruction—that turned out to be nonexistent. That’s not a “phantom” we were chasing. That’s a fabricated threat that led to the deaths of over 100,000 people, possibly more, and plunged the region into chaos.
Saddam’s brutality isn’t in question—but international law doesn’t permit regime change wars just because a dictator is cruel. If it did, dozens of invasions would be “justified” right now. And citing Saddam’s crimes to excuse the mass civilian death, torture scandals, and years of insurgency we unleashed isn’t moral reasoning—it’s retroactive rationalization.
As for the “desert war” theory: Fallujah wasn’t a desert. Baghdad wasn’t. Mosul wasn’t. Entire cities were shelled and bombed. Civilian infrastructure was destroyed. Millions were displaced. That didn’t happen in a vacuum—it happened because a war of choice shattered a nation, empowered sectarian violence, and opened the door to Iran precisely because we dismantled the state with no viable plan.
This isn’t hindsight. These warnings were made at the time. They were ignored. And we’re still living with the consequences. That’s not the mark of a justified war. It’s the mark of a moral and strategic disaster.
The problem is the choice is between fighting evil and surrendering to evil. Iran is playing the long game and once they have the bomb it's only going to get a lot worse.
But that’s exactly the problem. When the choice is constantly framed as “fight evil or surrender to evil,” it becomes a blank check for any atrocity done in the name of preemption. That’s how Fallujah was justified. That’s how Gaza is being justified. And that’s how moral clarity gets sacrificed on the altar of endless war: not through explicit cruelty, but through narratives that convince people that anything less than overwhelming force is weakness.
If Iran is the concern, then address Iran. But bombing civilians in Gaza, starving children, and leveling homes does not stop nuclear proliferation in Tehran. That’s not strategy—it’s misdirected vengeance.
And if your logic is “things are going to get worse, so anything we do now is justified,” then you’ve already accepted the collapse of restraint. That’s not defending civilization. That’s abandoning it.
NHC