lpetrich
Contributor
It wasn't just hate. Fascism offered robust social welfare | Aeon Ideas
As he notes, the various "American Nations" voted for their usual candidates, though with the Midlands with barely for Hillary Clinton.
The Nazis were big on highway construction, building lots of autobahns. These roads greatly impressed one of their conquerors, US General Dwight David Eisenhower. When he became President, Eisenhower pushed for the US having its own national socialist roads: the Interstate Highway System.After coming to power, the Italian fascists created recreational circles, student and youth groups, sports and excursion activities. These organisations all furthered the fascists’ goals of fostering a truly national community. The desire to strengthen (a fascist) national identity also compelled the regime to extraordinary cultural measures. They promoted striking public architecture, art exhibitions, and film and radio productions. The regime intervened extensively in the economy. As one fascist put it: ‘There cannot be any single economic interests which are above the general economic interests of the state, no individual, economic initiatives which do not fall under the supervision and regulation of the state, no relationships of the various classes of the nation which are not the concern of the state.’ Such policies kept fascism popular until the late 1930s, when Mussolini threw his lot in with Hitler. It was only the country’s involvement in the Second World War, and the Italian regime’s turn to a more overtly ‘racialist’ understanding of fascism, that began to make Italian fascism unpopular.
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Nazi Germany remained capitalist. But it had also undertaken state intervention in the economy unprecedented in capitalist societies. The Nazis also supported an extensive welfare state (of course, for ‘ethnically pure’ Germans). It included free higher education, family and child support, pensions, health insurance and an array of publically supported entertainment and vacation options. All spheres of life, economy included, had to be subordinated to the ‘national interest’ (Gemeinnutz geht vor Eigennutz), and the fascist commitment to foster social equality and mobility. Radical meritocratic reforms are not usually thought of as signature Nazi measures, but, as Hitler once noted, the Third Reich has ‘opened the way for every qualified individual – whatever his origins – to reach the top if he is qualified, dynamic, industrious and resolute’.
Donald Trump's support of thuggery and scapegoating of ethnic minorities fit all too well. But there is more to be said: How Colin Woodard's 'American Nations' explains the 2016 presidential election - Portland Press HeraldLargely for these reasons, up till 1939, most Germans’ experience with the Nazi regime was probably positive. The Nazis had seemingly conquered the Depression and restored economic and political stability. As long as they could prove their ethnic ‘purity’ and stayed away from overt shows of disloyalty, Germans typically experienced National Socialism not as a tyranny and terror, but as a regime of social reform and warmth.
There can be no question that violence and racism were essential traits of fascism. But for most Italians, Germans and other European fascists, the appeal was based not on racism, much less ethnic cleansing, but on the fascists’ ability to respond effectively to crises of capitalism when other political actors were not. Fascists insisted that states could and should control capitalism, that the state should and could promote social welfare, and that national communities needed to be cultivated. The fascist solution ultimately was, of course, worse than the problem. In response to the horror of fascism, in part, New Deal Democrats in the United States, and social democratic parties in Europe, also moved to re-negotiate the social contract. They promised citizens that they would control capitalism and provide social welfare policies and undertake other measures to strengthen national solidarity – but without the loss of freedom and democracy that fascism entailed.
As he notes, the various "American Nations" voted for their usual candidates, though with the Midlands with barely for Hillary Clinton.
More similarity with Fascism -- social democracy for "worthy" people.This election was an exception in this regard, and I think it is because it did not feature a clear choice between individual liberty and the common good. Trump, alone among the 17 candidates for the Republican nomination, did not run on a “less government and less taxes make more freedom” agenda, but rather as a European-style ethno-nationalist, promising robust government intervention and social programs for a subset of Americans and extra-legal or extra-constitutional punishment for others. Once in office, Trump’s administration may well pursue oligarchy-friendly policies, but what he promised supporters on the campaign trail was government-led protectionism, industrial intervention, infrastructure spending, and the replacement of the Affordable Care Act with “something terrific.” Social Security and Medicaid would be protected and the swamp of Washington drained of its lobbyists. He was, in libertarian versus collectivism terms, the most communitarian sounding Republican nominee since Richard Nixon.
And it worked, especially in rural parts of Yankeedom and the Midlands where most people belong to Trump’s “in” group: white, native-born Christians. Trump flipped scores of rural Yankee counties that had voted for Obama twice, including eight in Maine (earning one of that state’s four electoral votes), a half dozen in the rest of New England and more than two dozen in that upper Mississippi valley aggregation.
This, combined with a substantial decline in turnout in Milwaukee and Detroit, was enough to eek a narrow victory in two Yankee states, Michigan and Wisconsin, and to doom Clinton’s prospects in Ohio, giving Trump the White House. Trump won precisely because he abandoned trickle down economics on the campaign trail; it will be interesting to see if his Yankee and Midland supporters stick with him if he embraces it in office.