This is the sort of casual statistical analysis that makes people question your credentials.
For example, just how Asian does someone have to be to meet your criteria?
As Asian as the people who were marked "Asian" when Vermont produced their sickness and death statistics.
If somebody's Mom is a Chinese doctor and her dad is a white college professor, she'd qualify as Asian. Nevertheless, her socio-economic status would put her in a super low risk group.
You appear to be making my case for me. Asian people are as low or lower risk than white people in sickness and death from COVID. Yet Vermont's policy would prioritise this super-low-risk Asian daughter! Imagine she's 19 - she'd qualify for the vaccine over her 45 year old white father!
Similarly, would a trans man qualify as male? You seem to think males should be prioritized due to a higher death rate.
Trans men are women, so no. But trans women are male, so trans women would qualify under the male prioritisation.
And then there's the question of why men have a higher rate of death. If it's because men in the high priority categories, aged or infirm or BIPOC, die at much higher rates than similar women then the most at risk males are already in the high priority categories.
That's definitely a good question. If
all of the higher death rate from COVID experienced by men versus women can be "explained" (I mean, statistically explained) by factors that would already have put them in another eligibility/priority category,
then there would be no good reason to add 'male' as an additional risk category.
I actually had an exchange with Toni about this. I pointed out that
many of the same features that make men more at risk (higher incidence of type 2 diabetes, higher blood pressure, obesity) would also be driving what makes black and indigenous (not Asian) people more at risk. So, if all the additional risk was explained by the 'other' eligibility/priority categories, then there is no good reason to prioritise the remaining black and indigenous people.
Some posters pointed out that some of the reasons black and indigenous people might be more at risk would not apply to men as a group (distrust of state medical authority, lack of access to medical treatment due to socioeconomic circumstances). And maybe, even if those things were equalised, there is simply a brute race/ethnicity effect that cannot be accounted for by social circumstances (the same could be true for the sex effect of men versus women).
Personally, I'm inclined to assume that the health authorities are doing their best to make a speedy response to a crisis. A temporary crisis at that, as the supply of vaccine reaches the demand there won't be any more(imperfect) categorizing issues. Apparently, that will be by the end of the month.
Tom
And I think political values have played a bigger role than they ought have.
For example, I asked Toni why Vermont should not prioritise men over women, and she said that in Vermont, the death rate from COVID appeared to be not as uneven as it is elsewhere. So I assumed that meant she would support a priority rule for men over women in say, California, where the male death rate from COVID is much higher than the female death rate.
But Toni then started arguing about 'granularity' - how the higher death rate might be explained by other factors that might have been accounted for in other eligibility categories. Yet, she did not seem to think this same logic ought be applied to the racial prioritisation.