lpetrich
Contributor
Welfare-program opponents are attacking it, as one might expect.
That is good politically, because it helps create a broader constituency. Consider Social Security and Medicare. We all laughed at "Keep your government hands off my Medicare!", I'm sure, but that some people are willing to believe such things is proof of the success at these programs' success in creating a constituency for them.But a child allowance differs from traditional aid in ways that appeal to some on the right. Libertarians like that it frees parents to use the money as they choose, unlike targeted aid such as food stamps. Proponents of higher birthrates say a child allowance could help arrest a decline in fertility. Social conservatives note that it benefits stay-at-home parents, who are bypassed by work-oriented programs like child care.
And supporters argue that it has fewer work disincentives than traditional aid, which quickly falls as earnings climb. Under the Democrats’ plan, full benefits extend to single parents with incomes of $112,500 and couples with $150,000.
So when honkies started to suffer from such problems, the politicians started becoming more considerate.A quarter-century ago, debate focused on an urban underclass whose problems seemed to set them apart from a generally prospering society. They were disproportionately Black and Latino and mostly represented by Democrats. Now, insecurity has traveled up the economic ladder to a broader working class with similar problems, like underemployment, marital dissolution and drugs. Often white and rural, many are voters whom Republicans hope to court.
When they think that they are the ones getting it, they are not as opposed.“Republicans can’t count on running a backlash campaign,” Mr. Hammond said. “They crossed the Rubicon in terms of cash payments. People love the stimulus checks.”
The muted opposition to the proposal, he said, showed that “people on the right are curious about the child benefit — not committed, but movable.”