Bomb#20
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And empirically, it looks like Phillips judged that the return on refighting the custom gay wedding cake dispute had diminished, at least relative to the value to him of the diminishing time remaining in his artistry career.Nope - try again. The application of the Law of Diminishing Returns is an empirical question since it does not state that returns immediately begin to diminish.
Not seeing a problem with my analogy. If he judged that the number of gay activists who'd potentially go after him was more army-like than the corresponding number of trans activists, he probably judged correctly.Moreover, your analogy with duels and an army is silly, since Phillips is clearly willing to continue to act in bigoted manner.
Well, do you have any evidence that this one's bogus and he isn't interested in free speech, or are you just assuming the worst of him out of hostility? Doing a cost/benefit analysis hardly implies you don't care about an issue; and caring more about your right not to speak than your right to speak hardly implies that you don't care about your right to speak.There are valid ones and bogus ones. It is obvious you have trouble distinguishing between the two. Phillips' does not appear at all interested in free speech - he is interested in protecting his right to act like a religious bigot while hiding under "free speech". And he has duped many free speech absolutists to his cause.Good to know what you think of free speech arguments.The fact he hides by these bogus "free speech arguments" is another example of his cowardice.
Ah, sorry, I meant I have no reason to think Scardina would instead do anything of value with her time if she didn't litigate Phillips, since I took you to be calling Phillips' actions bigoted. My mistake. If you were calling the CCRD's actions bigoted, good to know we agree about that.You offered one about Phillips which is to whom I referred to in the first sentence.Um, I didn't offer an opinion on whether Scardina et al have better uses for their time.You cannot know whether or not he has better things to do or not. But it instructive to see that you think fighting against bigoted actions is wasting one's time.Not sure why you're calling him a coward. He has a limited amount of time on this earth and better things spend it on than repeatedly fighting zealots who apparently don't have better things to spend their lives on than dragging him through the courts.
I don't think fighting them once was a waste of his time; but it's hard to see he'd get much further benefit from fighting them again -- the CCRD would presumably just rule against him again and ultimately be slapped down on appeal again, costing Phillips quite a bit of money and lost productivity without establishing any new legal principle for his trouble.
Huh? Where the heck am I supposed to have tried to obscure that? I said he was a bigot. Whether what he did was illegal is an open question. It was contrary to the CCRD's "law", but their "law" is of dubious constitutionality.And their were deciding on the bigot Phillips who acted in a discriminatory manner contrary to their law. It is fascinating how much you try to obscure that fact.Yes, exactly. The CCRD commissioners are bigots who act in a discriminatory manner contrary to law, and the SCOTUS ruled that they can't do that.
If you're stepping back from "does not not have" to "may not not have", then we're on the same page.True, but it also means that it does not not have merit for wider reasons.
[exchange snipped]
True, which means it may have merit. So it did mean something of the sort.
The thing is, whether it would be constitutional to shut down artists for practicing viewpoint discrimination using a law which is itself viewpoint-nondiscriminatory and which is enforced in a viewpoint-nondiscriminatory way is an interesting academic question, one that would probably make a great topic for some law school's Moot Court exercise; likewise, it would be a fine academic topic to be debated on TFT between proponents of the policies I labeled Policy 1 and Policy 2 upthread. But that question seems unlikely to ever become more than academic, or to be settled either here or in the courts, because there appears to be no realistic prospect of the advocacy for such a law ever falling into the hands of proponents of Policy 2. De facto, the debates always seem to be Policy 1 vs. Policy 3. To make the question more than academic, first we'd have to find a government regulator, or at the very least a TFT poster, who is seriously in favor of letting his outgroup force someone in his ingroup to say things he disapproves of.