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The predominant factor in black deaths by police is more crimes commited - not racism

In your zeal to defend the police and the "anything but racism" position, your response a fundamental logical problem: explanations for the shooting of armed people rest on the basic premise that the shooter had a reasonable fear for his/her life or the lives of bystanders, a premise that is lacking when the victim is unarmed. No amount of bloviation or misdirection can alter that.

But the shooting of an unarmed black doesn't mean it was due to racism. As ronburgundy already pointed out directly above what you responded to, unarmed whites are sometimes shot by police as well. Hence, to demonstrate racism is a factor, you need to post the relevant data, controling for the relevant factors, to demonstrate that skin color is a likely cause in some of the shootings. Why did you fail to address this point? Furthermore, that doesn't make any sense when you say the premise is lacking when the victim unarmed. There are many possible scenarios when you could have a reasonable fear for your life when the victim is unarmed and yet still attacking you. Your point is not convincing. There are also other scenarios that can result in shooting an unarmed individual: mistakes (he appeared to have a firearm and/or made hand movements consistent with retrieving a firearm after being told to get on the ground and show their hands, and the belief was reasonable), etc.
 
In your zeal to defend the police and the "anything but racism" position, your response a fundamental logical problem: explanations for the shooting of armed people rest on the basic premise that the shooter had a reasonable fear for his/her life or the lives of bystanders, a premise that is lacking when the victim is unarmed. No amount of bloviation or misdirection can alter that.

But the shooting of an unarmed black doesn't mean it was due to racism. As ronburgundy already pointed out directly above what you responded to, unarmed whites are sometimes shot by police as well. Hence, to demonstrate racism is a factor, you need to post the relevant data, controling for the relevant factors, to demonstrate that skin color is a likely cause in some of the shootings. Why did you fail to address this point? Furthermore, that doesn't make any sense when you say the premise is lacking when the victim unarmed. There are many possible scenarios when you could have a reasonable fear for your life when the victim is unarmed and yet still attacking you. Your point is not convincing. There are also other scenarios that can result in shooting an unarmed individual: mistakes (he appeared to have a firearm and/or made hand movements consistent with retrieving a firearm after being told to get on the ground and show their hands, and the belief was reasonable), etc.

Tell me,

Was there ever a time in US history when racism factored into the treatment of black people by the police? If there was such a time, what the racism wide spread or limited? And if there was such a time, when did the racism lessen and or stop?
 
But the shooting of an unarmed black doesn't mean it was due to racism. As ronburgundy already pointed out directly above what you responded to, unarmed whites are sometimes shot by police as well. Hence, to demonstrate racism is a factor, you need to post the relevant data, controling for the relevant factors, to demonstrate that skin color is a likely cause in some of the shootings. Why did you fail to address this point? Furthermore, that doesn't make any sense when you say the premise is lacking when the victim unarmed. There are many possible scenarios when you could have a reasonable fear for your life when the victim is unarmed and yet still attacking you. Your point is not convincing. There are also other scenarios that can result in shooting an unarmed individual: mistakes (he appeared to have a firearm and/or made hand movements consistent with retrieving a firearm after being told to get on the ground and show their hands, and the belief was reasonable), etc.

Tell me,

Was there ever a time in US history when racism factored into the treatment of black people by the police? If there was such a time, what the racism wide spread or limited? And if there was such a time, when did the racism lessen and or stop?

Yes, widespread in the south, lesser extent in the north, began lessening in the late 1960's, but have no idea how much it has lessened since because apparently no one is aboe to provide any data to show it. It appears to be a small enough factor in police killings today that it is not readily apparent in the data that is available. Do you have any such data that demonstrates the racism is readily apparent?
 
Then I presume it wouldn't be difficult to produce a citation or source to such consensus? For example, try taking a look at the Wikipedia article to learn the background on the debate, which has this quote:

While several environmental factors have been shown to affect group differences in intelligence, it has not been demonstrated that they can explain the entire disparity. But on the other hand, no genetic factor has been conclusively shown to have a causal relation with group difference in intelligence test scores. Recent summaries of the debate call for more research into the topic to determine the relative contributions of environmental and genetic factors in explaining the apparent IQ disparity among racial groups.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Race_and_intelligence

Doesn't sound like much of a consensus to me. Which is exactly why I've said I don't completely dismiss the idea that there is such a difference. I'm waiting for the evidence to come down strongly on one side or the other, as all rational and freethinking people should do.
Well, eugenics hasn't had much in the way of breakthroughs in the past century or so. Meanwhile, from your link... and within the specific text your quoted, "no genetic factor has been conclusively shown to have a causal relation with group difference in intelligence test scores". So a century plus of research and nothing yet. Some may consider that debunked.

And the fundamentalist Christian would say a century of research into abiogenesis and nothing yet. They consider that debunked. Since you use the same logic, you must be a creationist. Who knew?
 
Were they free men they wouldn't have been living in the South in the first place (at least, not the South as it did/could have existed in the 19th century) so that point is missing the mark on multiple levels.

You're not rebutting my point at all.

Taking their word for it is akin to taking the suspect's word that he's not guilty.

Why even bother entering a plea, since you assume the suspect is ALWAYS guilty?

There are more pleas that just "guilty" and "not guilty".
 
Of course it's happening. When you make a decision influenced by race, that is racial discrimination.

Unless race is actually relevant.

Look at some of the risk scoring in the medical system. Sometimes you'll find race listed. It's not discrimination because the doc thinks my wife is at more of a risk for osteoporosis because she's Asian. Likewise, it's not unreasonable for a doctor to test for Sickle-Cell Anemia in a black person.
 
What you are missing is that what she's reporting it what they are bound to say no matter what the reality is. Taking their word for it is akin to taking the suspect's word that he's not guilty.
Apparently you don't realize how fucking ridiculous it looks when you claim that they must be lying because they are saying something you don't believe, because you respond with fucking ridiculous analogy. What makes this even more fucking ridiculous is your long documented history of accepting the word of any killer of a nonwhite person without question.

We have a situation where whatever the reality they're going to say the same thing. Thus I am basically discounting what they are saying and looking at the actual data--and that data says they are discriminating. Look at what happened in California when the law put a stop to it. If they had not been discriminating the law would have had no effect.
 
The BJS says there are 12,501 local police departments. Just eyeballing the numbers but that looks like more than 5%-10% of the 17,000 agencies. So we're getting reporting from about 6% of local police departments if we assume all 750 reportees were local police departments.

The issue isn't % of agencies, but the % of officers covered by what is being reported. Local poice "Agencies" are an ill defined abstraction of widely varying size from 1 person to 40,000. As shown in the BJS report in Tables 15 and 17, about 50% of agencies have less than 10 sworn employees total, including the pencil pushers that don't do any actual arresting. That means a huge % of "agencies" have 1-2 people doing any arresting and serve tiny communities where officer related shooting don't occur, so there is nothing to report.
These 50% of "agencies" employ only 4.5% of the officers and account for only 1.9% of the arrest related homicides being reported. A mere 300 agencies (2.1% of all agencies) employ the majority of police officers and are responsible for 63.4% of the reported arrest related homicides. IOW, the larger agencies are doing most of the reporting of officer inflicted homicides, and these agencies cover the overwhelming majority of officers. Thus, if the 750 agencies reporting were mostly the larger police agencies (and the data suggest it is) then it would cover the vast majority of local police officers, and thus account for the vast majority of deaths by cop. IOW, your 6% of agencies stat is meaningless and tells us nothing relevant to the validity of the numbers in the report.
In addition, the larger agencies doing the vast majority of the reporting of deaths are large precisely because they serve densely populated urban areas, which in turn are disproportionately black and where the majority of shootings of blacks occur. IOW, most of the missing data is coming from small rural areas serving mostly white populations, thus it is most likely that it is deaths of whites that occassionally occur in these areas that are under-reported and thus producing a 3:1 black:white ratio at the national level that is slightly inflated, if anything.

The fact that difference agencies, from bjs, to FBI, to the CDC, employ varied data collection methods and reach highly similar estimates supports the validity of these numbers and that while not exact, are rather close approximations. This is a basic principle of showing measurement validity.

Unless of course they are all getting their data from the same self-reporting information depositories.

Correct, in a fictional world of your invention where the CDC uses self reports by agencies to the FBI. But that is not the real world. The CDC uses official death certificates collected at the State level, and they also collect emergency room records. Each method is independent and all converge upon a ratio of between 2:1 and 4:1 in black:white rates of death or severe injury by police during the period in which the BJS data show a 3:1 ratio.

Larger samples are likely to produce smaller rather than larger differences in rate of deaths. As a matter of basic sampling probability, smaller samples usually inflate the difference in any aggregate stat between two groups. For example, in a room of 100 people, if you want to know the difference in height between males and females, if you only use one randomly picked person of each gender, they are likely to differ in height by more than the true avg difference of all the people.

Cite?

Basic statistical literacy.

In your male/female height ratio example I'd think there'd be a 50/50 chance for the random people to differ by more or less than the avg because isn't that kind of the definition of "avg?"

No, there is not a 50/50 chance or over vs. under estimation. Over estimations of group differences are more likely, with small samples.
Just look at the graph below:
usmenandwomenheight.png


The true difference between the groups is the distance between the 2 vertical line denoting the medians. There are many more random pairs of points (one from under each gender curve) where the distance between them is larger than that true median distance, than there are pairs where the distance is smaller. Only in the purple region in the middle are random pairs equally likely to over or under estimate the median difference. For all males in the blue area, randomly paired females will overwhelmingly tend to over estimate how much taller men are in general. Likewise, for all the women in the pink area, randomly paired males will overwhelmingly likely over-estimate how much shorter women are in general.


3:1 is actually much smaller than the ratio predicted if cops were reacting to legit deadly threats. The OP referred to a 3:1 ratio in overall violent crime,.but includes things like "simple assault" which can be just threat of violence or two guys in a bar fight. Since deadly threat is what cops should be reacting to, it makes more sense to look at rates of committed deadly crime, namely homicides where the ratio is 8:1 in the rates among blacks compared to whites.
IOW, even if the shootings by cops data was extremely biased in underestimating the size of the black:white ratio, and the true ratio was almost 3 times as large as the current data shows, it would still be highly coherent with what is expected by cops reacting non-racistly to deadly threats they encounter.

wat

Pretty simple. Serious criminal violence (such as homicide) is not just 3 times, but 8 times more common among blacks than whites. Thus, if cops were completely ignoring race and just responding to probable violent threat, they could easily be about 8 times more likely to use force, including deadly force, against blacks. The 3:1 ratio of arrest deaths is actually much lower than predicted based upon cops responding non-racistly to assessed violent threats. If anything, the data are more consistent with cops giving blacks more benefit of the doubt in ambiguous situations.


In addition, there is the data I posted in another thread showing that blacks are many many times more likely to shoot at cops, and in fact, the ration of how often blacks are shot relative to how often they shoot at cops is lower than that same ratio for whites. IOW, if you shoot at the cops, you are much more likely to be shot and killed by the cops if you are white than if you are black.

We're talking about Axulus' data in his op not about something you may have posted somewhere else at some other time.


We are talking about an engaging in an honest and rational analysis of the OP data in relation to the larger question of the reasons for the racial disparity in deaths by cops. Such an analysis requires consideration of any relevant data. The much higher rates of shooting at cops by blacks is directly relevant to whom cops are more likely to shoot at and why. The fact that rates of violence against other people and rates of violence against cops both tell the same story and both support that the disparity who cops kill is fully accounted for by cops acting rationally and non-racistly to real threats. Cops may and do sometimes act irrationally to non-real threats, but that is true for across race and it just inflates the total raw numbers of use of force. There is no evidence that any of the racial disparity in question is a product of differential rates of irrational use of force against blacks vs. whites.
 
The issue isn't % of agencies, but the % of officers covered by what is being reported. Local poice "Agencies" are an ill defined abstraction of widely varying size from 1 person to 40,000. As shown in the BJS report in Tables 15 and 17, about 50% of agencies have less than 10 sworn employees total, including the pencil pushers that don't do any actual arresting. That means a huge % of "agencies" have 1-2 people doing any arresting and serve tiny communities where officer related shooting don't occur, so there is nothing to report.

These 50% of "agencies" employ only 4.5% of the officers and account for only 1.9% of the arrest related homicides being reported. A mere 300 agencies (2.1% of all agencies) employ the majority of police officers and are responsible for 63.4% of the reported arrest related homicides. IOW, the larger agencies are doing most of the reporting of officer inflicted homicides, and these agencies cover the overwhelming majority of officers. Thus, if the 750 agencies reporting were mostly the larger police agencies (and the data suggest it is) then it would cover the vast majority of local police officers, and thus account for the vast majority of deaths by cop. IOW, your 6% of agencies stat is meaningless and tells us nothing relevant to the validity of the numbers in the report.

In addition, the larger agencies doing the vast majority of the reporting of deaths are large precisely because they serve densely populated urban areas, which in turn are disproportionately black and where the majority of shootings of blacks occur. IOW, most of the missing data is coming from small rural areas serving mostly white populations, thus it is most likely that it is deaths of whites that occassionally occur in these areas that are under-reported and thus producing a 3:1 black:white ratio at the national level that is slightly inflated, if anything.

prove it
 
But the shooting of an unarmed black doesn't mean it was due to racism. As ronburgundy already pointed out directly above what you responded to, unarmed whites are sometimes shot by police as well. Hence, to demonstrate racism is a factor, you need to post the relevant data, controling for the relevant factors, to demonstrate that skin color is a likely cause in some of the shootings.
You make it sound like some sort of double blind experiment. It isn't.
Why did you fail to address this point?
There is no need to because I was not advocating that racism was a factor. I was pointing out the data can not show what you and others claim it shows.
Furthermore, that doesn't make any sense when you say the premise is lacking when the victim unarmed. There are many possible scenarios when you could have a reasonable fear for your life when the victim is unarmed and yet still attacking you.
I think the point that an unarmed suspect is much less likely to engender a reasonable fear of death than an armed suspsect was obvious. So your grasping at straws indicates that you recognize the paucity of your position.

There are also other scenarios that can result in shooting an unarmed individual: mistakes (he appeared to have a firearm and/or made hand movements consistent with retrieving a firearm after being told to get on the ground and show their hands, and the belief was reasonable), etc.
You realize you are making my case, not yours with those examples.
 
Apparently you don't realize how fucking ridiculous it looks when you claim that they must be lying because they are saying something you don't believe, because you respond with fucking ridiculous analogy. What makes this even more fucking ridiculous is your long documented history of accepting the word of any killer of a nonwhite person without question.

We have a situation where whatever the reality they're going to say the same thing. Thus I am basically discounting what they are saying and looking at the actual data--and that data says they are discriminating. Look at what happened in California when the law put a stop to it. If they had not been discriminating the law would have had no effect.
You've proven that you don't realize how fucking ridiculous it looks when you claim that someone must be lying because they are saying something you don't believe, so you can stop.
 
The fact that difference agencies, from bjs, to FBI, to the CDC, employ varied data collection methods and reach highly similar estimates supports the validity of these numbers and that while not exact, are rather close approximations. This is a basic principle of showing measurement validity.

Unless of course they are all getting their data from the same self-reporting information depositories.

Correct, in a fictional world of your invention where the CDC uses self reports by agencies to the FBI. But that is not the real world. The CDC uses official death certificates collected at the State level, and they also collect emergency room records. Each method is independent and all converge upon a ratio of between 2:1 and 4:1 in black:white rates of death or severe injury by police during the period in which the BJS data show a 3:1 ratio.

About those FBI numbers . . .

Hundreds of Police Killings Are Uncounted in Federal Stats

A Wall Street Journal analysis of the latest data from 105 of the country’s largest police agencies found more than 550 police killings during those years were missing from the national tally or, in a few dozen cases, not attributed to the agency involved. The result: It is nearly impossible to determine how many people are killed by the police each year.

. . .

The FBI has almost no records of police shootings from departments in three of the most populous states in the country—Florida, New York and Illinois.

And those CDC numbers . . .

Underreporting of Justifiable Homicides Committed by Police Officers in the United States, 1976-1998

Conclusions: Both systems underreport, but for different reasons. The NVSS misclassifies cases as homicides, rather than justifiable homicides committed by police officers, because certifiers fail to mention police involvement. The SHR misses cases because some jurisdictions fail to file reports or omit justifiable homicides committed by police officers. (Am J Public Health. 2003:93:1117-1121)

So any conclusions drawn on those numbers is suspect because the numbers in all of these reports are woefully inadequate.

What can't be waved away though is that the police kill a lot of civilians . . . a lot. And in a modern, democratic society that should be cause for concern.
 
ksen said:
What can't be waved away though is that the police kill a lot of civilians . . . a lot. And in a modern, democratic society that should be cause for concern.
How does it look per capita over time - larger numbers do not necessarily indicate greater percentages. The number of guns in circulation may also have something to do with police practices nowadays.
 
It might, depending on her patients and the people with whom she works,

I don't believe in indulging people's prejudices. Imagine a Black anaesthesiologist who is told by the hospital of a rural, predominantly White county that most of the hospital's clients will not have much trust in a Black woman and therefore they cannot hire her.

Even if what the hospital said were true
(and we can easily imagine it is), people's racism and/or sexism ought not be systematically catered to. At least, they oughtn't be catered to if we want a world where people are judged not by the colour of their skin, or the shape of their junk, but the content of their character.

All along the same vein, so still pretty one-dimensional. But even without that observation, how does one objectively use any combination of those to come up with a objective measure?

You agree that there is such a thing called 'academic success'. I assume you also agree that universities have an interest in their students being academically successful. Universities are free to operationalise 'academic success' however they like.

But I sincerely doubt that 'attending a campus with a racial mix that is most like the general population' has anything to do with academic success.

Sow the wind, and you'll reap the whirlwind. This paper shows that the University of Michigan's de-facto racist admissions policy leads to the exact outcomes you expect: the grades of Black students are significantly lower than their co-admitted White and Asian students, and proportionally far more Blacks were on academic probation.

I think you over-estimate the level of academic aptitude to handle it. I know many people who left their PhD program because of the persistent low standard of living not because they did not have the proven academic aptitude or the skills.

There is no logical connection between what you've claimed and the implications for ability and PhD. It may well be that 100% of people who leave a PhD program do so because they're tired of living like a student; even if 0% leave because they can't handle the academic aspects, that means that they've self-selected very well, and the university has done a good job of not allowing the marginal students in.

It is easy to demonize communities. Take Ferguson, Mo for example. The police force of Ferguson is overwhelming white (over 90% of the officers are white) while the population of Ferguson is about 2/3 black. Is it racist for the citizens of Ferguson to view the police force that radically differs from them (and who mostly do not reside in Ferguson) with suspicion?

Can you see how breathtakingly unacceptable this would be if the races were reversed?

The population of Whitington is 2/3 White, while the police force is over 90% Black. Is it racist for the citizens of Whitington to view the police force that radically differs from them with suspicion?

The answer is 'yes', if that suspicion is based solely on the racial composition of the police force.
 
What if those agencies don't most likely deal with white deaths? Anyone can make up a story to justify their bias. The point is that those statistics are not necessarily "random" in the statistical sense of the word.

You are the only one inventing a story to dismiss the data. You are assuming systematic bias in a particular direction, despite having not a shred of basis to assume this. I am allowing for all possible forms of error, which means directional errors counter each other and what is left is the inherent statistical reality that smaller samples are more likely over than under estimate true group differences, as I demonstrated in more detail in my post to ksen in which I also show the falseness of the notion that there is a lot of missing data and the meaninglessness of the % of agencies reporting since it is number of officers covered by those agencies that matters. The report shows that it is mostly the largest agencies doing the reporting and that just the 2% of the largest agencies cover the majority of all police officers in the US. And since the largest agencies deal with the most densely pop urban areas that are disproportionately black, this also means that black deaths by cops are more likely to be reported than white deaths.


Also, I bolded the 4 distinct different arguments related to the methodologies precisely so you wouldn't "accidentally" overlook the others and respond to only one of them and think you've defended your dismissal of the most valid evidence available related to rates of shootings by cops. Yet, you still managed to ignore 3 of the 4 points, and only offer an invalid argument against one.
You are mistaken if you believe people are required to either read every word of your posts or to respond to them.

Honest and rational dialogue does require that you not cherry pick the tiny portions of counter arguments that you feel you can invent a b.s. response to. But your are correct, that honest and rational dialogue is not required.


I can understand you believe you made a valid argument, but you didn't.

Your continued refusal to address these points is evidence of your incapacity to show any flaw with them.


What about convergence in the findings with the results of other data collection methods between the CDC, FBI, and BJS? What about the fact that a much higher % of the actual relevant agencies that would plausibly have shooting deaths during arrests are included in the report, because very few agencies categorized as "law enforcement" are relevant? What about the fact that even if the ratio is 8:1 it would still be completely in line with cops responding to deadly threats, because that is the ratio of the most serious violent crime rates (e.g., homicide) between blacks and whites?
What about the fact that we have no idea if the police in those reporting agencies use the same criteria for responding to, observing, categorizing and reporting incidents? What about the fact those statistics do not include "unjustified" shootings? First rule in statistical analysis is that the analysis can only be as good as the data. There are significant problems with the data.

The BJS report includes any and all forms of death for any reason. Deaths are categorized as "homicide" both "by officer" and by "other person", "suicide", "intoxication", "accidental", and "natural causes". The majority are attributed as "homicide by officer" with no indication about it being "justified" or not.
In addition, the CDC uses death certificates and emergency room records collected without any requiring reporting by police agencies and they reach similar numbers. Whatever limits the varied data sets have differ with the differing methods used. Convergence of results among the differing methods shows that those limitations have minimal impact upon the estimates, otherwise the different methods would yield highly varying results. It is called convergent validity, look it up.



As a matter of fact, if you read the 2nd quote in the post preceding this one, the FBI even cautions readers from doing exactly what the OP and you are doing.

Wrong. Here is the caution in the BJS report
[P]
Arrest-related deaths are under-reported. BJS did not
attempt to estimate for partial or non-responding
jurisdictions. Data are more representative of the nature
of arrest-related deaths than the volume
at which they
occur.
[/P]


The underlined part is key. Variables like race represent "the nature of arrest-related deaths" that the BJS states are represented by the data. They include all those variables related to who, when, and how deaths occur because they think they are reasonably valid estimates of how those deaths covary with other factors, such as race. Their caution refers to the total "volume" (aka raw number) of deaths being lower than the true number, but that is true across all levels of the other variables, so it doesn't impact the relation with those variables. IOW, the absolute raw number of deaths is an under-estimate but that is separate from relative comparisons and % of deaths of different types for various groups.


Once again you show total ignorance in statistical understanding and the difference between explaining aggregate trends vs. individual cases. Your argument is identical to that of the anti-science climate change deniers why blindly dismiss the evidence of human impact of climate change by saying "Gee, that must explain why this was the coldest winter in a century in my town." The cause of differences in aggregated rates need not have anything at all to do with causes of individual shootings. It is logical fallacy to treat them as the same. One could be do to racism and the other not, or both could have nothing to do with racism but the causal factors are distinct. They are completely different kinds of questions. The question for the aggregate data is why are blacks more likely to be shot than whites? The question regarding an individual is why were they personally shot? Unarmed white people are shot also, so the same question must be asked about them too. Unless you are going to say that both unarmed blacks and unarmed whites are shot due to racism, then you are compelled (assuming you care about being reasonable), to recognize that many of the unarmed blacks that are shot are shot for similar reasons as unarmed whites are shot. Thus, unless you have evidence of racism specific to that individual case, you don't have evidence that the shooting would not have occurred if the person were white. The only thing you can do is try to point to aggregate stats as evidence of racism and thus evidence of racism in that specific case. Besides being logically fallacious, it requires that the aggregate stats show something different than would be expected in the absence of racism. They do not. That is what this thread is about. That is what explaining the aggregate stats is about.
In your zeal to defend the police and the "anything but racism" position,

I am defending rational thought and honest use of relevant evidence.

your response a fundamental logical problem: explanations for the shooting of armed people rest on the basic premise that the shooter had a reasonable fear for his/her life or the lives of bystanders, a premise that is lacking when the victim is unarmed.
.

No, you're argument has the logical problem in assuming that national level stats on shootings provide evidence that unarmed blacks are shot due to racism. Given the absence of evidence showing such racism in most individual cases, you are forced to turn to those aggregate stats and assume on blind faith and unreason that they somehow are relevant. They are not. The point of the OP and may arguments is that aggregate disparities in shootings are fully explained and predicted by a non-racist police actions, thus provide no relevant evidence as to whether instances of unarmed shootings are motivated by race. Unarmed persons of all races are shot, so assuming that any such shootings are based in anti-black racism is irrational unless you have actual evidence of it. The point here is that these aggregate rates of being shot that you and other "everything is always racism" faithers point to don't actually provide any evidence in support of your claims of racism.

The burden of proof is 100% upon you and those claiming racism as the motive in such shootings, and you have provided none. What data that actually exists may be imperfect but it fully supports a non-racist explanation and is far superior data than the total absence of evidence you continue to provide for your assertions. You are like the creationist poking holes in the fossil record and pretending that such flaws in the evidence for evolution proves that God exist (where your God is racism as an explanation for all things).
 
The fact that difference agencies, from bjs, to FBI, to the CDC, employ varied data collection methods and reach highly similar estimates supports the validity of these numbers and that while not exact, are rather close approximations. This is a basic principle of showing measurement validity.

Unless of course they are all getting their data from the same self-reporting information depositories.

Correct, in a fictional world of your invention where the CDC uses self reports by agencies to the FBI. But that is not the real world. The CDC uses official death certificates collected at the State level, and they also collect emergency room records. Each method is independent and all converge upon a ratio of between 2:1 and 4:1 in black:white rates of death or severe injury by police during the period in which the BJS data show a 3:1 ratio.

About those FBI numbers . . .

Hundreds of Police Killings Are Uncounted in Federal Stats

A Wall Street Journal analysis of the latest data from 105 of the country’s largest police agencies found more than 550 police killings during those years were missing from the national tally or, in a few dozen cases, not attributed to the agency involved. The result: It is nearly impossible to determine how many people are killed by the police each year.

. . .

The FBI has almost no records of police shootings from departments in three of the most populous states in the country—Florida, New York and Illinois.

And those CDC numbers . . .

Underreporting of Justifiable Homicides Committed by Police Officers in the United States, 1976-1998

Conclusions: Both systems underreport, but for different reasons. The NVSS misclassifies cases as homicides, rather than justifiable homicides committed by police officers, because certifiers fail to mention police involvement. The SHR misses cases because some jurisdictions fail to file reports or omit justifiable homicides committed by police officers. (Am J Public Health. 2003:93:1117-1121)

So any conclusions drawn on those numbers is suspect because the numbers in all of these reports are woefully inadequate.

What can't be waved away though is that the police kill a lot of civilians . . . a lot. And in a modern, democratic society that should be cause for concern.

Wrong. Those flaws mean nothing other than that the raw # of deaths is under-reported. But given the different methods and different reasons for overall under reporting, it is implausible that the relative relationships with race would be similar in the various reports if those estimated relationships were far off in either or both report. It is a basic principle in sciences that whether data validly reflect how a variable covaries with other factors is completely distinct from whether the total frequency with which an outcome occurs is accurately estimated in absolute terms. The data showing how a disease covaries with other factors does not require accuracy in the total frequency with which the disease occurs in the population.

And yet again, even if the relative difference in rates of death were more than double what any of the reports show that would be perfectly in line with the 8:1 ratio in the commission of the most violent crimes. So, what we have are multiple independent estimates that all under report absolute frequency but converge on a 2:1 to 4:1 estimate in relative frequencies which given the different methods and equal probability of over and under estimation is a highly unlikely convergence if the true ratio were something over 10:1, which would be the extremity required to suggest a disparity out of line with disparities in violent crime and of shooting at the police.
 
ksen said:
What can't be waved away though is that the police kill a lot of civilians . . . a lot. And in a modern, democratic society that should be cause for concern.
How does it look per capita over time - larger numbers do not necessarily indicate greater percentages. The number of guns in circulation may also have something to do with police practices nowadays.

How can we know with such bad reporting?

Using the bad CDC numbers:

CDC_Chart.png

source
 
The fact that difference agencies, from bjs, to FBI, to the CDC, employ varied data collection methods and reach highly similar estimates supports the validity of these numbers and that while not exact, are rather close approximations. This is a basic principle of showing measurement validity.

Unless of course they are all getting their data from the same self-reporting information depositories.

Correct, in a fictional world of your invention where the CDC uses self reports by agencies to the FBI. But that is not the real world. The CDC uses official death certificates collected at the State level, and they also collect emergency room records. Each method is independent and all converge upon a ratio of between 2:1 and 4:1 in black:white rates of death or severe injury by police during the period in which the BJS data show a 3:1 ratio.

About those FBI numbers . . .

Hundreds of Police Killings Are Uncounted in Federal Stats

A Wall Street Journal analysis of the latest data from 105 of the country’s largest police agencies found more than 550 police killings during those years were missing from the national tally or, in a few dozen cases, not attributed to the agency involved. The result: It is nearly impossible to determine how many people are killed by the police each year.

. . .

The FBI has almost no records of police shootings from departments in three of the most populous states in the country—Florida, New York and Illinois.

And those CDC numbers . . .

Underreporting of Justifiable Homicides Committed by Police Officers in the United States, 1976-1998

Conclusions: Both systems underreport, but for different reasons. The NVSS misclassifies cases as homicides, rather than justifiable homicides committed by police officers, because certifiers fail to mention police involvement. The SHR misses cases because some jurisdictions fail to file reports or omit justifiable homicides committed by police officers. (Am J Public Health. 2003:93:1117-1121)

So any conclusions drawn on those numbers is suspect because the numbers in all of these reports are woefully inadequate.

What can't be waved away though is that the police kill a lot of civilians . . . a lot. And in a modern, democratic society that should be cause for concern.

Wrong. Those flaws mean nothing other than that the raw # of deaths is under-reported. But given the different methods and different reasons for overall under reporting, it is implausible that the relative relationships with race would be similar in the various reports if those estimated relationships were far off in either or both report. It is a basic principle in sciences that whether data validly reflect how a variable covaries with other factors is completely distinct from whether the total frequency with which an outcome occurs is accurately estimated in absolute terms. The data showing how a disease covaries with other factors does not require accuracy in the total frequency with which the disease occurs in the population.

And yet again, even if the relative difference in rates of death were more than double what any of the reports show that would be perfectly in line with the 8:1 ratio in the commission of the most violent crimes. So, what we have are multiple independent estimates that all under report absolute frequency but converge on a 2:1 to 4:1 estimate in relative frequencies which given the different methods and equal probability of over and under estimation is a highly unlikely convergence if the true ratio were something over 10:1, which would be the extremity required to suggest a disparity out of line with disparities in violent crime and of shooting at the police.

I accept your apology.
 
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