lpetrich
Contributor
Rachel Bitecofer's article was written using data collected on September 20, 2020. I'll compare her model to 538's model - 2020 Election Forecast | FiveThirtyEight
- Presidency: RB: B 93.4% T 6.6% ... 538 B 77% T 23% ... (now) 538 B 88% T 12%
- Senate: RB: D 80.2% R 19.8% ... 538 D 58% R 42% ... (now) 538 D 75% R 25%
RB takes for granted that the Democrats will hold the House, something that 538 gives a 97% chance of happening.Specifically for our Presidential forecast, political polling survey results are not used to inform our modeling, other than for determining incumbent approval ratings. The input criteria used in our modeling directly reflects measurements of potential for negative partisanship and demographic realignment to occur among defined electorates. Therefore, previous election data and demographic data are heavily relied on in this model.
RB asks "Why Has Negative Partisanship Been Such An Effective Predictor of the 2020 Election Cycle?"A note on Texas. I am bullish, right now, on about 6 of the Texas House races- but am assuming an aggressive final push for these districts and strong messaging. Trump has served up the perfect situation for Democrats in Texas- the question is whether they will properly exploit it.
So the Republicans would be expected to hold on to the Senate and possibly gain seats in the House.When this model was first released, in July of 2019, it argued that come October of 2020, the Democratic nominee would be in a dominant position to win the Electoral College and that Democrats would be poised to gain seats in the House and possibly take the Senate majority. At that time, the status quo opinion was that Donald Trump was actually in a strong position for reelection due to the economy and conditions governing the congressional elections were nebulous.
She talked about "hidden Trump voters" (shy Trumpies), and she concluded that there aren't many of them. They don't show up in polls with greater anonymity than others.This outlook ignored changes in voting behavior due to polarization and hyperpartisanship, and frankly, “normalized” Donald Trump- assuming he would do and say things strategically optimal for reelection. As President Trump’s behavior with coronavirus shows, Trump is not, and has never been, capable of behaving as a normal candidate. Even in a campaign environment that did not experience a pandemic, Trump would find himself generating massive negative partisanship effects from an electorate larger in size than his own coalition. The difference between the pre and post-pandemic environment, both due to the severity of the pandemic from the mismanagement of the response and due to the economic damage from it, is that Trump is also suffering greater loss of support from “pure” Independents than he might have otherwise- the persuasion band is larger than it might have been. As it turns out, even in the age of polarization, voters become more persuadable when your greed and gross incompetence is literally killing them.
Then the issue of voting by mail and Trump's attacking it as vulnerable to fraud and different from absentee voting. Except for vote-by-mail in Florida.So, after a summer of preventable death at an inconceivable scale, social unrest, and social awakening, it’s the same as it ever was: an election cycle that from the top of the ballot, to the bottom, will be wholly defined by Donald Trump and the deep fear (or love) he inspires within dueling coalitions of the electorate.