I'm not saying they are unfit for statehood. But rather that they want their state to be at war.
Then you’re not describing a people. You’re describing a caricature.
Saying “they want their state to be at war” flattens millions of individuals into a monolith of violence—as if every Palestinian wakes up thinking about armed struggle, rather than survival under occupation, displacement, and blockade. It ignores the decades of polling, protest, diplomacy, and negotiation where the majority have supported a two-state solution, even after repeated betrayals. It erases the people who’ve tried to build institutions, run schools, raise families, and vote for change—only to be punished when the results weren’t convenient for foreign powers.
If war is all you see, maybe it’s because peace was never given room to grow. When elections are invalidated, borders are sealed, leadership is imprisoned or assassinated, and civil infrastructure is systematically undermined, what do you expect to remain? You can’t suffocate a people’s options and then fault them for gasping.
So no—the desire for statehood doesn’t equal a desire for war. But treating their every political movement as a threat ensures that peace is the one thing perpetually off the table. That’s not a reflection of Palestinian intent. It’s the result of a strategy built to deny them both sovereignty and a future.
So? You calculate those things to ensure there's enough.
No—you calculate calories to limit them when your goal isn’t just security, but coercion. And that’s exactly what Israel did. In 2012, following a court petition, Israel was forced to release documents showing that its military planners had literally calculated the minimum caloric intake required to keep Gaza’s population just above malnutrition—about 2,279 calories per person per day—not to ensure health, but to “put the Palestinians on a diet,” as one official phrased it. This wasn’t about humanitarian management. It was about collective pressure.
That’s not aid planning. That’s weaponizing subsistence.
The blockade doesn’t just restrict weapons. It chokes fuel needed for hospitals, building materials for reconstruction, and permits for medical evacuations. It bars students from leaving to study, splits families, and prevents economic development. You’re pretending it’s a logistical tool. But every credible humanitarian organization—from the UN to the Red Cross—calls it what it is: collective punishment.
So no, it’s not about “ensuring there’s enough.” It’s about ensuring there’s just enough not to be accused of intentional starvation, while still using deprivation as leverage over a civilian population. That’s not security. That’s siege warfare dressed in bureaucratic terms. And the fact that you’re trying to justify it shows just how far from principle your position has drifted.
And you continue to blame Israel for the actions of Hamas.
No—I’m blaming Israel for its own actions. That’s the part you keep dodging.
Hamas didn’t create the blockade. Israel did. Hamas didn’t restrict fuel, building supplies, or medical evacuations. Israel did. Hamas didn’t enforce a land, sea, and air closure that made it impossible for Gazans to leave even for cancer treatment. Israel did.
You want to reduce this entire catastrophe to “Hamas did X,” as if that justifies anything Israel chooses to do in response. But that’s not how responsibility works. Even if Hamas commits war crimes—and they do—that doesn’t grant Israel a moral or legal blank check to punish everyone else.
Gaza’s suffering didn’t start on October 7th. The UN was calling it unlivable back in 2015. The economy, infrastructure, and public health system were already in collapse before this war. That didn’t happen because of rockets. It happened because of a systematic policy of isolation and control over 2 million people, half of whom are children.
This isn’t “blaming Israel for Hamas.” It’s refusing to let the crimes of one side erase the obligations of the other. If you believe in justice, you don’t abandon it the moment your side has the power.
There was no humanitarian catastrophe until 10/7. But Iran wanted to prevent Israel and Saudi Arabia from making up and Russia wanted a distraction from what they were doing in Ukraine.
That’s simply false—and historically indefensible. There was a humanitarian catastrophe in Gaza long before October 7. The United Nations, the World Bank, the World Health Organization, and countless humanitarian agencies had been sounding the alarm for over a decade. By 2012, the UN was already warning that Gaza would be uninhabitable by 2020 due to collapsing infrastructure, undrinkable water, failing sewage systems, and electricity blackouts. By 2015, over 80% of Gaza’s population depended on humanitarian aid just to survive. That crisis wasn’t the result of Iranian plots or Russian diversions. It was the direct outcome of a long-standing blockade, repeated military assaults, and a deliberate policy of restriction that targeted the civilian economy.
And no, the period before October 7 wasn’t some calm, functioning society suddenly thrown into chaos by foreign meddling. In the years leading up to that date, Gaza’s economy had all but collapsed. Unemployment was among the highest in the world. Movement was tightly restricted, not just for goods but for people—students, patients, and workers alike. Medical care was crippled by permit denials and equipment shortages. Families went days without electricity. Homes destroyed in previous wars couldn’t be rebuilt because Israel blocked construction materials. None of that required Iran or Russia to fabricate. It was all happening in plain sight.
So the idea that October 7 marked the beginning of humanitarian disaster is a convenient fiction. What changed after 10/7 wasn’t that suffering began—it was that the suffering stopped being slow and became cataclysmic. Blaming Iran or Russia for that spiral is not an explanation. It’s a distraction. The reality is simpler, and harder to stomach: a civilian population was pushed past its breaking point after years of siege, isolation, and despair. You don’t get to erase that suffering just because acknowledging it makes your narrative harder to defend.
I'm looking, I'm seeing what pretends to be.
Then maybe the issue isn’t your eyesight—it’s your filter.
Because satellite imagery doesn’t “pretend.” Entire neighborhoods in Gaza—Shujaiya, Jabalia, Khan Younis—have been leveled. That’s not activist spin; it’s confirmed by the UN, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and independent analysts using open-source data and high-resolution satellite scans. Hospitals reduced to rubble. Schools turned to ash. Camps for the displaced struck multiple times. These aren’t stories whispered in the shadows—they’re documented with timestamps and GPS coordinates.
As for starvation, multiple UN agencies and the World Food Programme have issued formal warnings of famine. Malnutrition rates among children have soared. Aid convoys have been blocked or attacked. When doctors are performing surgeries without anesthesia and children are dying of dehydration, that’s not “a few medical cases.” That’s systemic collapse.
So if you still claim you “see nothing,” then you’re not seeing reality. You’re clinging to a version of events where evidence is always suspect if it implicates your side. But facts don’t go away just because you choose not to believe them. What you’re seeing isn’t a lack of destruction—it’s your own refusal to let the facts in.
I have yet to see a picture of an entire neighborhood reduced to rubble. The photos always follow the line of devastation caused by the tunnel collapses, there are always other buildings that didn't.
I do agree an awful lot of housing in Gaza has been destroyed. The fact that in some areas Hamas has booby-trapped basically everything has something to do with it. If Israel sees a booby trap they simply blow it up. No way they're going to try to defuse something that likely has an observer and command detonation. Blame the side that placed the booby traps.
Then let’s be honest about what you’re defending. Because what you’re describing isn’t precision—it’s devastation rationalized after the fact. “Following the tunnel line” doesn’t mean damage is limited. It means it’s concentrated and destructive, collapsing everything above and around it. Entire sections of Khan Younis, Gaza City, and Jabalia show mile-long stretches of pancaked buildings, many far beyond the tunnel line. That’s not a surgical strike. That’s urban collapse on a massive scale, confirmed by Maxar satellite imagery, UN OCHA assessments, and international humanitarian reports.
And blaming booby traps as justification for razing blocks misses the legal and moral point: if a military objective—like a tunnel or a rigged structure—can only be neutralized by leveling an entire neighborhood, then the strike is not lawful. Proportionality is not suspended just because the enemy fights dirty. If it were, every war crime could be excused by the other side’s tactics.
You say “blame the side that placed the booby traps”—fine. But that doesn’t absolve the side that knowingly bombs where civilians live. International law doesn’t allow you to declare urban centers free-fire zones because the enemy is ruthless. That’s the exact kind of spiral the Geneva Conventions were written to prevent. And ignoring that—like you’re doing here—isn’t realism. It’s complicity with impunity.
None of them have the ability to actually confirm it, therefore their words are garbage. And note how we have month after month after month of report of catastrophic food conditions--yet only 60 deaths that can be blamed on malnutrition and we don't see a gaunt population. Just look at pictures from areas of actual famine.
That’s not how evidence—or suffering—works.
You dismiss findings from UNICEF, WHO, and the World Food Programme as “garbage” because they don’t align with your worldview. But these are organizations that operate on the ground, with access to hospitals, aid networks, and field data. They’ve documented acute malnutrition, wasting in children, and collapsing food systems. You don’t get to hand-wave that away with internet image searches and anecdotal skepticism.
And your fixation on “only 60 deaths” betrays a grotesque misunderstanding of what famine and starvation look like. Malnutrition doesn’t always kill immediately—it stunts growth, weakens immune systems, increases susceptibility to disease, and causes long-term damage. Children dying from infections because they’re too weak to fight back aren’t counted in your “malnutrition death” stat—but they’re victims of hunger all the same.
As for your claim about how people “should look” in famine: that logic failed in Yemen, it failed in Somalia, and it fails here. Starvation isn’t a Hollywood trope with skeletal figures lining the streets. It’s a creeping breakdown, made worse when aid is blocked, infrastructure is destroyed, and desperation becomes normalized. And pretending it’s not real because it doesn’t fit your chosen imagery isn’t just denial—it’s complicity in whitewashing a humanitarian disaster.
No, it's not denial. It's looking at the claims and finding they contradict reality.
And repeating my words back at me doesn’t make them less true—it just shows you’ve run out of your own.
You say you’re looking, but all your responses reveal is a refusal to see what the world has already documented. This isn’t about agreeing with every critic—it’s about recognizing reality when thousands of civilian deaths, collapsed neighborhoods, and credible famine warnings are staring you in the face.
If your only defense is to mirror my argument without refuting it, then maybe it’s because deep down, you know the facts aren’t on your side. Denial isn’t a counterpoint. It’s just the last refuge when there’s nothing left to stand on.
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