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Corporate Moochers - how to spot them

Firms that don't pay living costs are necessarily supported by firms that do

... for as long as we agree that letting people die in the street is wrong. Acknowledging that some people do not think that is wrong and believe that when people are not able to pull in a living wage it is their own fault and they - and their children - deserve the consequences. (videotaped example: the people who shouted "let them die!" at the GOP debate when the question of what to do with uninsured sick people came up.)
 
Alright, either you or I is missing the point here, so let's step back and I'll summarize the entire argument so far as I've understood it. You can then show me where you think I am misrepresenting you or if I missed some crucial point.

You (not you personally, but also Togo and Underseer and whoever else brought up the same points): Minimum-wage employers are corporate moochers, because they are subsidized by welfare.

Me: They are not subsidized by welfare, because the welfare goes to the employee and not the employer.

You: The welfare goes to the employer, because if it weren't for welfare the employees would not be able to sustain themselves and the employer would have to raise wages.

Me: If you imagine a world where there was no welfare, but otherwise all regulations were the same, employers would not have to raise wages because the employees would be more desperate and would accept lower wages.
And I've given detailed argument as to why existing below-living-cost employment would become unsustainable in that world. You haven't adressed it except by repeating your assertion.

Enough employees would survive by other means (charity, family, working more, compromising quality of living, and sacrificing their health or futures).
Charity, families etc are not alternatives, but ultimately the same source of subsidy (whoever one ragards as beneficiaries) as I and others have repeatedly explained and you've acknowledged. Neither are further sacrificing health and living conditions alternatives since they are the reason existing MW employment would become unsustainable.
Already addressed. The sacrifices to quality of life is due to eliminating welfare, not because of MW employment. And even if all forms of welfare like charities or family support was somehow eliminated, and every individual was forced to make his own living or starve, it wouldn't matter because from employer's point of view an unemployed person is already the same as a dead person: the (non)employer would not be paying their costs anyway. Those who can survive on a minimum wage would be more motivated to do so due to lack of backup plan, and those who can't would be out of work force anyway.

You: The hypothetical assumes a world that would not be a decent and prosperous society, so the fact that minimum wage employers could operate there shows that such businesses don't have viable business models in decent societies.

Me: There are also non-minimum wage employers who would be able to prosper in such a society. Basically anyone who caters cheap goods to the poor would get more business if there were more poverty, regardless of what they pay their employees. For example, Costco. Therefore the fact that a company can operate in a non-decent society doesn't tell us anything about how viable their business model is in a decent society.
That doesn't even the address the issue since they aren't the relevant employers by definition. It isn't even true anyway since the relevant consumers would have less or no disposable income.
The point is precisely that they are not minimum-wage employers - your counter argument makes special pleading to the conditions of employment somehow being the defining aspect of a business model. Just because a business with certain employment conditions might thrive in a crapsack world envisioned here, doesn't mean that their business model is the cause of the crapsack world.

The living costs of people (everyone, not just those who can't support themselves) are a cost that the society has to cover somehow. And so is covering costs from acts of nature. Some people can maybe cover their own costs after a disaster, just like some people can cover their own living costs by their own income from employment or investments or whatever. But who do you think should be responsible for disaster relief for people who can't get by on their own? Say, a person who needs supplies from Home Depot to fix his house after a storm, or a person who needs gasoline for a generator after hurricane took out the power lines. Do you think that Home Depot or Texaco should be forced to sell those guys supplies at a discount or not at all? Is it Home Depot's problem if people didn't have insurance, or buitl their houses next to flooding rivers or wherever?

If you think not, then I don't se what basis you have for forcing analogous costs to be paid by minimum-wage employers, who have nothing to do with the fact that some people's labor is not worth their living costs.
Because (a) the costs aren't analagous and (b) genuinely marginal MW employers have everything to do with the fact that their product isn't worth human living costs. If low margins were evidence of low value labour we should subsidise, then profitable MW employers like Walmart are certainly mooching.
You haven't shown why the costs aren't analogous. And the value of the products being produced by MW labor is irrelevant, as long as it's positive.

JayJay said:
They are, in the sense that they buy something (scrap metal vs. labor) at a cost that is lower than the cost it took to create or maintain it originally (new car vs. person's living costs). Yes, you are right, the cost and possible losses of a totaled car are borne by someone else than the scrap yard who buys it for pittance, and that's exatly the point: living costs of a person are also borne by someone else, and it's not the responsibility of whoever happens to buy that person's labor., even if it is for a pittance. If the scrap yard in the analogy is not a "moocher" then neither is the minimum-wage employer.
Nah, what I meant was that depreciation in car value DOESN'T have to be borne by someone else like human living costs do. It's just loss, "written off", end of, and no one starves when it isn't compensated for. If we accept the equivalence you draw between the value of a new car and the cost of living, there is no depreciation and the scrapyard/employer gets the equivalent of a new car, then does something with it that only generates $100 revenue. That's nonsense in the case of a scrapyard, almost by definition, but not unlike what a below-cost employer does.
We're not talking about getting an equivalent of a new car. The analogy stated that the car is still scrap, but during its lifetime had not generated enough value to cover it's own manufacturing costs (say, due to an accident or a defect or poor maintenance by its owner... the exact reason doesn't matter).
I think the comment to which you reply stands in response. You restate a question based on the assumptions I dispute.
This is equivalent of a person who's labor isn't worth what it took to produce that labor
Which isn't even the issue. Rather, it's low-margin, easily substited goods and services which aren't worth what it takes to sustain the necessary labour .The same burger flipped by Steve Jobs or a neurosurgeon wouldn't fetch a penny more.
Which assumption do you dispute? If you think that every person can produce enough to cover their own upkeep, I totally disagree. There is a spectrum of people from those completely unable to work, to those who might work some, to those who can support themselves and more. If you are referring to some other assumption, please elaborate.

I don't see what a neurosurgeon flipping burgers has to do with the argument. I am not saying that a neurosurgeon who flips burgers should be paid more, than the non-neurosurgeon. In fact it has been your argument that people should be paid based on what they cost to society, and a neurosurgeon with his years of expensive training has certainly been higher cost than a non-skilled high-school graduate. But why should his employer pay him more based on that cost that is out of his control?

Jayjay said:
As for costs just being "written off", consider a person who's car is his livelihood. A small time contractor, or even a wage worker who has to commute a long distance every day. His car gets totalled, and he sudenly doesn't have an income to bring food to the table. Your contention that it's "just a loss, written off, end of, and no one starves" don't really apply now do they?
BINGO! Right, because it's then an occupational hazard or running cost which his occupation generates too little revenue to cover and put food on the table. One way or another he'll need susbsidy. If we subsidise the car depreciation to keep him in business, then the scrapyard (along with rest of us) is already subsidising an otherwise unviable business.

If he can still put food on the table, the depreciation is indeed just a loss he has to absorb like the rest of us would - "written off," end of - and not equivalent to human living costs.
Ok, let's consider the first option. What's wrong with sharing the cost with everyone equally? Why do you think the scrap yard should be responsible for subsidizing the WHOLE cost? What did the scrap yard do wrong here? We have welfare to cover costs of inviable humans, because unlike businesses, we can't just let people die on the street. But the issue here is not whether shit happens, it's who should pay the bill when it does.

You still haven't said anything as to why an employee who buys a person's labor below value should be forced to cover that person's living costs, but a scrap yard who buys a person's car below that car's manufacturing and maintenance costs doesn't have such special requirements.
That's because (a) I haven't said they should be forced to, but that they're subsidised if they don't and (b) the two things aren't nearly equivalent without conditions by which your scenario demonstrates my contention, not yours.
The meme that MW employers are subsidized implies that there is a cost that they should be responsible for, so yes you are saying that the MW employers should be forced to pay more. And I still don't see how the senario would support your contention that the MW employer, i.e. the scrap yard, should be responsible for the cost.

Jayjay said:
Jayjay said:
Let's say I am able to pay 50% of my own upkeep. So basically what you're saying is that I should be forbidden to take a job that lets me contribute that 50% back to society? Is it really better to have those who can't pull their own weight not be allowed to pull even part of their weight? Where is the sense in that?
No, I'm saying we should incentivise investment away from businesses that only allow people to pay 50% of their upkeep.
It's the same thing: In absence of opportunities to contribute 50%, those people will now be able to pay 0% of their upkeep.
Then it's not the same thing as I'm addressing the absence itself.

And consider a person who's labor is worth 110% of his living costs, but can't find an employer who would take less than 20% markup, thus leaving him with just 90% and needing 10% supplementary income. Should that employer be disincentivised as well? The total productivity for society would be positive if he was allowed to work, so is it really preferable to force this guy to be jobless?
No, investment in production which allows him to realise the full 110% should be incentivised, eg by making it more profitable than production which doesn't, eg by a minimum wage.
Let's say there are two people: the 110% guy, and the 50% guy, both employed at wages of 90% and 30% of their living costs respectively (to keep the profit from each person at the same level). So your plan would be to set the living wage at 100% and incentivize the first company to do so by subsidizing them with the missing 10% that makes it sufficiently profitable. But what do you do with the 50% guy?

If you let him be fired, then the total cost of these two people to society is still 200% and productivity is 110% instead of 160%.

If you subsidize the emplyer of the 50% guy by covering the entire missing 70% to make it profitable, you'll actually be disincentivizing the first kind of company and incentivizing minimum wage employers.

If you subsidize them both by 10% but let both guys be employed, then how is that different from general welfare?

Any other options?

Jayjay said:
That tautology doesn't negate my point in any way: nothing is forcing employers to continue to be employers if they were forced to pay a higher wage. Only those employers who would already be willing to pay a higher wage would do so, and the real question is what factors are preventing the workers from negotiating that wage anyway.
If they couldn't or wouldn't pay the higher wage which (per your latest assertion) they'd have to if they want to remain employers, then they were subsidised.
No, they were not. Because arbitrary additional regulations are not a reasonable default position. I might as well argue a hypothetical where every American has to pay $1 monthly fee to Walmart, and then saying that every American is subsidized by Walmart because they don't have to pay that fee now. Which would be ridiculous.

Jayjay said:
Living costs of a person aren't caused by anyone in particular either (except maybe that person himself, or his parents). They are just as much a brute fact.
Exactly. So redistribution which makes any factor of production cheaper subsidises it regardless of the fact that no one in particular caused the cost in the first place.
Which is not the case with labor: redistribution of income doesn't make labor cheaper, it makes it more expensive.
 
..or imagine if all firms payed below living costs. Who'd pay for the welfare that'd be necessary to maintain consumption? One firm's labour costs are another firm's revenue. There are no Martian or Venusian consumers or tax-payers. It's just unworkable. Firms that don't pay living costs are necessarily supported by firms that do. Nothing to do with gov't responsibility or whose names are on welfare cheques.
Firms are not supported, people are.

Consider a miniature society with three companies that all employ one third of the population.

Company A pays its workers 150% of their living costs.
Company B pays its workers 100% of their living costs.
Company C pays its workers 50% of their living costs.

Together, the society pays its own costs and is sustainable. But if you remove company C, the total production is only 5/6ths of the costs, and the society will eventually collapse or adapt (maybe by eliminating enough unproductives members). Just because all companies can't pay below living costs, doesn't mean some companies can't, or shouldn't.
 
Alright, either you or I is missing the point here, so let's step back and I'll summarize the entire argument so far as I've understood it. You can then show me where you think I am misrepresenting you or if I missed some crucial point.

You (not you personally, but also Togo and Underseer and whoever else brought up the same points): Minimum-wage employers are corporate moochers, because they are subsidized by welfare.

Me: They are not subsidized by welfare, because the welfare goes to the employee and not the employer.

You: The welfare goes to the employer, because if it weren't for welfare the employees would not be able to sustain themselves and the employer would have to raise wages.

Me: If you imagine a world where there was no welfare, but otherwise all regulations were the same, employers would not have to raise wages because the employees would be more desperate and would accept lower wages.
And I've given detailed argument as to why existing below-living-cost employment would become unsustainable in that world. You haven't adressed it except by repeating your assertion.

Enough employees would survive by other means (charity, family, working more, compromising quality of living, and sacrificing their health or futures).
Charity, families etc are not alternatives, but ultimately the same source of subsidy (whoever one ragards as beneficiaries) as I and others have repeatedly explained and you've acknowledged. Neither are further sacrificing health and living conditions alternatives since they are the reason existing MW employment would become unsustainable.
Already addressed. The sacrifices to quality of life is due to eliminating welfare, not because of MW employment.
Who's saying otherwise? What's that got to do with it?
Jayjay said:
And even if all forms of welfare like charities or family support was somehow eliminated, and every individual was forced to make his own living or starve, it wouldn't matter because from employer's point of view an unemployed person is already the same as a dead person: the (non)employer would not be paying their costs anyway.
Unlike the working poor, who are now the majority of welfare recipients.
Those who can survive on a minimum wage would be more motivated to do so due to lack of backup plan, and those who can't would be out of work force anyway.
Thereby reducing the available labour pool - especially of people in a fit state to work in catering and retail.

Jayjay said:
You: The hypothetical assumes a world that would not be a decent and prosperous society, so the fact that minimum wage employers could operate there shows that such businesses don't have viable business models in decent societies.

Me: There are also non-minimum wage employers who would be able to prosper in such a society. Basically anyone who caters cheap goods to the poor would get more business if there were more poverty, regardless of what they pay their employees. For example, Costco. Therefore the fact that a company can operate in a non-decent society doesn't tell us anything about how viable their business model is in a decent society.
That doesn't even the address the issue since they aren't the relevant employers by definition. It isn't even true anyway since the relevant consumers would have less or no disposable income.
The point is precisely that they are not minimum-wage employers - your counter argument makes special pleading to the conditions of employment somehow being the defining aspect of a business model. Just because a business with certain employment conditions might thrive in a crapsack world envisioned here, doesn't mean that their business model is the cause of the crapsack world.
Then I've no idea what that point is supposed to be and suspect you're addressing some counterargument you'd like me to have made. Again.

The living costs of people (everyone, not just those who can't support themselves) are a cost that the society has to cover somehow. And so is covering costs from acts of nature. Some people can maybe cover their own costs after a disaster, just like some people can cover their own living costs by their own income from employment or investments or whatever. But who do you think should be responsible for disaster relief for people who can't get by on their own? Say, a person who needs supplies from Home Depot to fix his house after a storm, or a person who needs gasoline for a generator after hurricane took out the power lines. Do you think that Home Depot or Texaco should be forced to sell those guys supplies at a discount or not at all? Is it Home Depot's problem if people didn't have insurance, or buitl their houses next to flooding rivers or wherever?

If you think not, then I don't se what basis you have for forcing analogous costs to be paid by minimum-wage employers, who have nothing to do with the fact that some people's labor is not worth their living costs.
Because (a) the costs aren't analagous and (b) genuinely marginal MW employers have everything to do with the fact that their product isn't worth human living costs. If low margins were evidence of low value labour we should subsidise, then profitable MW employers like Walmart are certainly mooching.
You haven't shown why the costs aren't analogous. And the value of the products being produced by MW labor is irrelevant, as long as it's positive.
I have. And it is relevant.


JayJay said:
JayJay said:
They are, in the sense that they buy something (scrap metal vs. labor) at a cost that is lower than the cost it took to create or maintain it originally (new car vs. person's living costs). Yes, you are right, the cost and possible losses of a totaled car are borne by someone else than the scrap yard who buys it for pittance, and that's exatly the point: living costs of a person are also borne by someone else, and it's not the responsibility of whoever happens to buy that person's labor., even if it is for a pittance. If the scrap yard in the analogy is not a "moocher" then neither is the minimum-wage employer.
Nah, what I meant was that depreciation in car value DOESN'T have to be borne by someone else like human living costs do. It's just loss, "written off", end of, and no one starves when it isn't compensated for. If we accept the equivalence you draw between the value of a new car and the cost of living, there is no depreciation and the scrapyard/employer gets the equivalent of a new car, then does something with it that only generates $100 revenue. That's nonsense in the case of a scrapyard, almost by definition, but not unlike what a below-cost employer does.
We're not talking about getting an equivalent of a new car. The analogy stated that the car is still scrap, but during its lifetime had not generated enough value to cover it's own manufacturing costs (say, due to an accident or a defect or poor maintenance by its owner... the exact reason doesn't matter).
I think the comment to which you reply stands in response. You restate a question based on the assumptions I dispute.
This is equivalent of a person who's labor isn't worth what it took to produce that labor
Which isn't even the issue. Rather, it's low-margin, easily substited goods and services which aren't worth what it takes to sustain the necessary labour .The same burger flipped by Steve Jobs or a neurosurgeon wouldn't fetch a penny more.
Which assumption do you dispute?
That low-wage is some inherent characteristic of the worker or analagous to car depreciation.
Jayjay said:
If you think that every person can produce enough to cover their own upkeep, I totally disagree. There is a spectrum of people from those completely unable to work, to those who might work some, to those who can support themselves and more. If you are referring to some other assumption, please elaborate.

I don't see what a neurosurgeon flipping burgers has to do with the argument.
Exactly what I said. The burger wouldn't be worth a cent more. The limiting factor is the value of the burger, not the flipper.
I am not saying that a neurosurgeon who flips burgers should be paid more, than the non-neurosurgeon. In fact it has been your argument that people should be paid based on what they cost to society, and a neurosurgeon with his years of expensive training has certainly been higher cost than a non-skilled high-school graduate. But why should his employer pay him more based on that cost that is out of his control?
That has not been my argument.

Jayjay said:
Jayjay said:
As for costs just being "written off", consider a person who's car is his livelihood. A small time contractor, or even a wage worker who has to commute a long distance every day. His car gets totalled, and he sudenly doesn't have an income to bring food to the table. Your contention that it's "just a loss, written off, end of, and no one starves" don't really apply now do they?
BINGO! Right, because it's then an occupational hazard or running cost which his occupation generates too little revenue to cover and put food on the table. One way or another he'll need susbsidy. If we subsidise the car depreciation to keep him in business, then the scrapyard (along with rest of us) is already subsidising an otherwise unviable business.

If he can still put food on the table, the depreciation is indeed just a loss he has to absorb like the rest of us would - "written off," end of - and not equivalent to human living costs.
Ok, let's consider the first option. What's wrong with sharing the cost with everyone equally?
Nothing necessarily, as I keep saying.
Why do you think the scrap yard should be responsible for subsidizing the WHOLE cost?
I've just said it shouldn't.
What did the scrap yard do wrong here? We have welfare to cover costs of inviable humans, because unlike businesses, we can't just let people die on the street. But the issue here is not whether shit happens, it's who should pay the bill when it does.
Which depends on what kind of shit exactly we're talking about. Your analogy mischaracterises the shit in question.

Jayjay said:
You still haven't said anything as to why an employee who buys a person's labor below value should be forced to cover that person's living costs, but a scrap yard who buys a person's car below that car's manufacturing and maintenance costs doesn't have such special requirements.
That's because (a) I haven't said they should be forced to, but that they're subsidised if they don't and (b) the two things aren't nearly equivalent without conditions by which your scenario demonstrates my contention, not yours.
The meme that MW employers are subsidized implies that there is a cost that they should be responsible for, so yes you are saying that the MW employers should be forced to pay more.
Garbage. People (including me) approve of all sorts of subsidies, which they couldn't possibly by that logic.
And I still don't see how the senario would support your contention that the MW employer, i.e. the scrap yard, should be responsible for the cost.
It isn't my contention and I've no idea why you say it is. I think society should subsidise the contractor in your scenario whose livelihood depends on the car. Approval doesn't make him and his otherwise unviable business any less subsidised.

Jayjay said:
Jayjay said:
Jayjay said:
Let's say I am able to pay 50% of my own upkeep. So basically what you're saying is that I should be forbidden to take a job that lets me contribute that 50% back to society? Is it really better to have those who can't pull their own weight not be allowed to pull even part of their weight? Where is the sense in that?
No, I'm saying we should incentivise investment away from businesses that only allow people to pay 50% of their upkeep.
It's the same thing: In absence of opportunities to contribute 50%, those people will now be able to pay 0% of their upkeep.
Then it's not the same thing as I'm addressing the absence itself.

And consider a person who's labor is worth 110% of his living costs, but can't find an employer who would take less than 20% markup, thus leaving him with just 90% and needing 10% supplementary income. Should that employer be disincentivised as well? The total productivity for society would be positive if he was allowed to work, so is it really preferable to force this guy to be jobless?
No, investment in production which allows him to realise the full 110% should be incentivised, eg by making it more profitable than production which doesn't, eg by a minimum wage.
Let's say there are two people: the 110% guy, and the 50% guy, both employed at wages of 90% and 30% of their living costs respectively (to keep the profit from each person at the same level).
WTF does that even mean? You have there a 90% guy and a 30% guy, end of. How are the other percentages meaningful or knowable? Doctor's certificates or something?
So your plan would be to set the living wage at 100% and incentivize the first company to do so by subsidizing them with the missing 10% that makes it sufficiently profitable.
Um,no.
But what do you do with the 50% guy?

If you let him be fired, then the total cost of these two people to society is still 200% and productivity is 110% instead of 160%.

If you subsidize the emplyer of the 50% guy by covering the entire missing 70% to make it profitable, you'll actually be disincentivizing the first kind of company and incentivizing minimum wage employers.

If you subsidize them both by 10% but let both guys be employed, then how is that different from general welfare?

Any other options?
Yeah. Set MW at what the market will bear, so bad employers don't use welfare to undercut good employers, and investment in business plans involving taking money from other businesses isn't as profitable as investment in other businesses.

Then talk about 110% and 50% guys might actually mean something.

Jayjay said:
Jayjay said:
That tautology doesn't negate my point in any way: nothing is forcing employers to continue to be employers if they were forced to pay a higher wage. Only those employers who would already be willing to pay a higher wage would do so, and the real question is what factors are preventing the workers from negotiating that wage anyway.
If they couldn't or wouldn't pay the higher wage which (per your latest assertion) they'd have to if they want to remain employers, then they were subsidised.
No, they were not. Because arbitrary additional regulations are not a reasonable default position.
Who's saying they are?
I might as well argue a hypothetical where every American has to pay $1 monthly fee to Walmart, and then saying that every American is subsidized by Walmart because they don't have to pay that fee now. Which would be ridiculous.
What the hell are you talking about?
Jayjay said:
Jayjay said:
Living costs of a person aren't caused by anyone in particular either (except maybe that person himself, or his parents). They are just as much a brute fact.
Exactly. So redistribution which makes any factor of production cheaper subsidises it regardless of the fact that no one in particular caused the cost in the first place.
Which is not the case with labor: redistribution of income doesn't make labor cheaper, it makes it more expensive.
So you repeatedly assert. I've given detailed counterargument re existing MW employment.
 
..or imagine if all firms payed below living costs. Who'd pay for the welfare that'd be necessary to maintain consumption? One firm's labour costs are another firm's revenue. There are no Martian or Venusian consumers or tax-payers. It's just unworkable. Firms that don't pay living costs are necessarily supported by firms that do. Nothing to do with gov't responsibility or whose names are on welfare cheques.
Firms are not supported, people are.
I think the comment - in full - to which you reply stands as counterargument.

Consider a miniature society with three companies that all employ one third of the population.

Company A pays its workers 150% of their living costs.
Company B pays its workers 100% of their living costs.
Company C pays its workers 50% of their living costs.

Together, the society pays its own costs and is sustainable. But if you remove company C, the total production is only 5/6ths of the costs, and the society will eventually collapse or adapt (maybe by eliminating enough unproductives members). Just because all companies can't pay below living costs, doesn't mean some companies can't, or shouldn't.
And I'm not necessarily claiming otherwise. Company C is nontheless dependent on A and B for revenue and the welfare sustaining its employees.
 
For Rhea to have been entirely on point here would require people's unwillingness to accept casualties to be evidence for businesses causing employee injury; i.e., it would require deriving a conclusion about a matter of fact from a value judgment.

No, it doesn't. That the value has changed over time is a matter of fact, not judgement. No amount of opinion from you or me or Rhea will change the fact that society used to accept starving homeless labourers, and no longer does so. The reason why the circumstances have changed (fact) is because social expectations and values have also changed (also fact).
Just because it's a fact that somebody values something such and such an amount doesn't stop it from being a value judgment. You claim (or, perhaps, you claim Rhea claims) employers (by which you presumably mean specifically those paying MW) can not make a profit without actively contributing to starvation and maimed children. The fact as to what people's value judgments are, regarding whether or not they wish to accept starving homeless laborers, has no bearing on whether the MW-paying employers are, in point of fact, actively contributing to starvation. You can call the value a fact instead of a judgment if you please but it will still be a fact that does not imply the conclusion it was offered in support of.

I'm arguing for a disconnect between the business and employee poverty because no one has exhibited a mechanism by which the business causes employees to be poor.

Has anyone argued for one?
That's the problem. You appear to be arguing for a connection between the business and employee poverty without any causal mechanism. You say they're actively contributing to starvation and they're creating a negative externality. Do they do this via a physical mechanism, or via magic? If you're just preaching to the choir and you don't care whether infidels believe you, then I guess you have no reason to try to explain a mechanism by which MW employment causes starvation, or poverty, or harm to third parties. The "living wage" choir talk like they believe in magic.

Cost of employee to society = X (not starving, desperate or creating other externalities)
Cost to employee to business Y
Where Y < X, society is having to subsidise the business.

Cost of unemployed person to society = Z (not starving, desperate or creating other externalities)
Cost of employee to society = X (not starving, desperate or creating other externalities)
Cost of employee to business = Y
Cost of employment to business = Y
Cost of employment to society = X - Z.

When X < Z, regardless of Y the business is providing a positive externality to society, to the tune of (Z - X). As you say, it's the employee creating the externalities if he doesn't receive X. Your math would only make sense if it were the business that caused the employee to exist in the first place.

My math is based on the fact that the business is claiming all of the labour of an individual, but not meeting off all his costs.
No, they aren't claiming it. You appear to be using "claim" in some sense other than its normal meaning in English; if you want to keep pushing this line of argument I suggest you find a way to express whatever you're getting at without using that word. People claim mining plots and inventions; the word means "assert one's right to", i.e., "You can't have that without my permission; it's mine." Employers don't do that. Anybody else who wants the employee's labor can buy it from the employee and the current employer gets no say.

As far as meeting all the individual's costs goes, he'd have those costs with or without the employment. So you are not exhibiting a causal physical mechanism. You're appealing to an intuition some people have that the employer ought to cover those costs. To conclude based on moral intuition that some physical effect, e.g. starvation, results from the MW employment, is magical thinking.

You're trying to use an arbitrary start point. Whether this is simply a stick in the sand or an attempt to smuggle a value judgement in as a fact, I can't tell, but it's still arbitrary.
No, I'm calling you on your attempt to smuggle a value judgement in as a fact. There is nothing arbitrary about the "Would output Q still happen if input P were not present?" start point. That's how cause and effect are determined.

You're arguing above that (potential) employees are a cost to society, some of which is defrayed by being employed, and that any contribution the employer makes is thus welcome.
No, I'm not arguing that. Whether any contribution the employer makes is welcome or not is a matter of subjective opinion, and you and the other voters will have to decide for yourselves whether to welcome it or spurn it -- that forms no part of my argument. If you choose to sacrifice somebody's contribution for the sake of your metaphysics, that's your option. But potential employees are a cost to society, and employing them at MW usually causes that cost to go down.

Sort of treating employment like a charity.
It's nothing at all like treating employment like a charity. Charity is intended for the benefit of the recipient. The employer is treating employment as a means to his own end. When the MW employee is better off, and what he costs society goes down, those aren't the intended effects, so they aren't charity. The benefit to the employee is the employer's means to get the employee to agree to the bargain, same as in any other transaction. The benefit to society is simply a positive externality. The employee is also treating MW employment as a means to his own end; and if society chooses to allow it it's probably also as a means to society's own end of reducing the overall level of charity it provides.

But such an economy doesn't work, because there is no other income source other than employment to meet costs. All costs to society ultimately have to be met by someone, and taken simply, that someone is always an employer or business of some kind.
And? We aren't starving; the economy keeps growing; standards of living keep rising. So what do you mean by saying such an economy doesn't work?

So you're trying to argue that an employer should
Let me cut in right there. Do you see a bleeding moral claim in my posts? You're the one trying to argue about what should be done; but you keep drawing non-moral conclusions from your moral premises.

be able to hire people for less than the amount it takes to maintain them, on the basis that the difference between X and Z will be met by some other employer.

My argument is that there is no point having such employers around. As a society, it's only worth having around employers who pay the Z of their employees, their cost to society. That isn't because of a moral judgement, or fine feelings, it's to stop other, more successful businesses having to support the losers who can't meet their costs.
Huh? Of course that's because of a moral judgment and feelings, and because of the metaphysical accounting principle your feelings appear to be based on. You're calling the MW employers "losers who can't pay their costs"; that's transparently based on the opinion that Z is those employers' costs rather than the employees' costs or society's costs or the Sultan of Brunei's costs for that matter. It's transparently NOT based on stopping other, more successful businesses having to pay X, since getting rid of the MW employers will cause the other businesses to have to pay Z instead of X and Z > X.

Moreover, your analysis takes for granted that the way MW employment keeps going and going decade after decade is by means of those employers receiving a subsidy from other more successful non-loser businesses, who pay their employees the so-called "living wage" (i.e., the price of Rhea's decency list) plus the taxes that support welfare for MW employees. Interesting hypothesis. It implies that if all businesses were employing a mix of skilled workers and unskilled workers, and all businesses were paying market rate for all their employees, so the skilled workers get a decent wage and the unskilled workers get MW, then every business would be surviving on the subsidies paid to it by every other business, we'd all be prospering by taking in one another's laundry, and the universe would disappear in a puff of logic. The existence of recipients of a subsidy implies the existence of payers of a subsidy; hence if your argument were correct then it would prove the existence of so many businesses that pay all their employees a decent wage that they can make up for all the ones that don't. That means you're offering the economic counterpart of Anselm's Ontological Argument. But whether something exists is an empirical question. A business having such-and-such business practice can't be argued into existence by word game any more than a god can.

And that's the problem with what Wallmart is doing. They displace other businesses to provide employment on a subsidised basis, relying on other businesses (via the taxpayer) to help them meet their employment costs.
Saying it over and over doesn't make it true. You haven't shown that the cost of a decent lifestyle is an "employment cost"; you haven't shown that Walmart wouldn't be able to get workers for the same or lower price if the welfare weren't available, which is what "relying on" means; and you haven't shown that the displaced businesses were paying a decent wage.

In the first place, the employer isn't "claiming" it. The employee is offering it for sale and the employer is amenable. You're talking as though the employer were preventing the guy from selling his labor elsewhere..

They are. Being available for work is written into the contract.
And? Lots of MW employees have two jobs; besides which, there's no "no quit" clause in the contracts. If somebody else offers the employee a better job he can take it. The employer's only legal recourse in the event that the employee makes himself unavailable is to sack him; and the fact that the MW employer will stop paying him is no deterrent to the guy from selling his labor elsewhere -- when he leaves he's getting a bleeding raise.

In the second place, you're objectifying the guy as a pure laborer with no benefit from his presence other than his labor. That's just nonsense -- we don't give people "decent safe housing, decent safe food and decent safe healthcare" only so employers can get their labor.

Their labour, and the labour of others, is all that it available to pay for it. Unless you're using magic pixies. From the point of view of the economics of the society, that's exactly why we keep them around.
Huh? We keep them around for reasons A, B, C and D; but from the point of view of a consideration that ignores A, B and C, only D is a reason to keep them around; therefore we only keep them around for reason D? That's your argument?!? Ignoring something doesn't make it go away. We keep them around for the sake of all the benefits, not just the benefits viewable from the point of view of economics. If we kept them around only for the sake of their labor then we'd pay for welfare only up to an actual literal living wage, without the creature comforts popularly called "a living wage".

As far as labor being all that's available to pay for it goes, where are you getting that notion? The Labor Theory of Value? The LTV is a crock of metaphysical baloney. The mutual advantage derived from voluntary trading is available to pay for it, as is the return on capital and the productivity of land.

All the nonlabor benefits from his presence that we are buying with welfare payments are benefits shared across the whole community, not received only by the employer.

Sure, which is why in practice we tax businesses, and spread the revenue around the whole community. But there is only one source of cash here. Ultimately, you're still arguing for one business subsidising another.
You skipped a step there. This part is Step 1:

"Sure, which is why in practice we tax businesses, and spread the revenue around the whole community. But there is only one source of cash here. Ultimately, you're still arguing for one business subsidising".​

This part is Step 3:

"another.",​

just like when Step 1 is "Steal Underpants" and Step 3 is "Profit". What's Step 2? All you've got is nonlabor benefits from his presence, shared across the whole community and primarily going to the welfare recipient himself, subsidized by various businesses. Can you exhibit Step 2, where you get from there to the MW employer being the recipient of said subsidy?

If the employer is claiming all their labour (the benefit of their presence) but not paying for the cost of their presence, then they are creating a negative externality.
... And in the third place, your claim of implication is a non sequitur. If somebody creates both costs and benefits, and he delivers all the costs to me and all the benefits to you, that does not constitute you creating a negative externality. That's him creating a negative externality.

You don't think the costs should be charged against the benefits?
What I think should happen is beside the point; we're still arguing about what does happen. Let's say your mum died and left you a thousand pounds. Later it's discovered that while she was alive she got plastered and crippled a pedestrian. His lifetime earnings consequently dropped by a million pounds, not even counting his pain and suffering. You took the thousand pounds, so you claimed the benefit of your mum's presence but you're not paying the cost of her presence. According to the inference rule you relied on, that means you're creating a negative externality. That's absurd. Your mum created it. So the inference rule you relied on is invalid.

As for what should happen, I take it you think the costs should indeed be charged against the benefits. So does that mean you think we should go after the heirs of people who created negative externalities? To what extent should we go after them? In the drunken mother scenario, should the government assign the million pound debt to you and garnish your wages for life, on account of the cost of the presence of the person whose benefit you claimed being, therefore, "your cost"? Or should the government perhaps just take away the thousand pounds, as partial compensation to the pedestrian, and leave it at that? What does your theory of cost assignment have to say about this?

I.e., neither action contributes to starvation all by itself, but doing both together does so? How does that work? Is there a mechanism you can show by which the two activities combine synergistically to cause starvation? Does the gift of the asset perhaps persuade the employee to spend all his time in that productive activity, thereby preventing him from doing some different productive activity that would otherwise have induced some third party to give him more assets that he could have traded for more food?

The asset is given in return for the employee spending his time doing labour for the employer. The labourer is consuming a limited resource to meet the employers needs, and entering into a legal contract restricting his rights to work elsewhere.
That's make-believe. Saying it over and over doesn't make it true. There is no legal contract restricting the employee's right to work elsewhere. The employer does not own the employee's labor.

The only thing the labourer has to meet living costs is his labour. If they employer pays too little for it, then the labourer either starves, or imposes those costs on others.
Yes. So you've answered my question: it doesn't work. There is no mechanism you can show by which the two activities combine synergistically to cause starvation. When you described MW employers as "actively contributing to starvation", you just made that up. Because, as you just agreed, if he doesn't starve, the laborer imposes those costs on others. The laborer, not the employer. The employer is not causing the laborer to impose those costs; if the employer weren't there employing, the laborer would still be imposing those costs, and more.

Why should my business have to pay to support your sweat shop. Why subsidise the sweat shop at all?
Why shouldn't you stop beating your wife? Your business isn't supporting my sweat shop. Your question assumes your conclusion as a premise.

You are starting from a moral judgment that employers should pay employees enough not to need welfare, and deducing from your moral premise the non-moral conclusion that a subsidy to the employee is in fact a subsidy to the employer. That's not a valid reasoning procedure. And it's blatant that that's what you're doing, because when challenged to exhibit a physical mechanism by which MW employment causes negative externalities, you first offer nonsense like imaginary contracts keeping workers from accepting better job offers, and then switch to a moral argument.

So too with employees getting welfare. The employer has to pay for employees. The base cost of an employee is the cost of maintaining that employee to a certain arbitrary standard...
How is it possible for whether an action actively contributes to a physical phenomenon to depend on an arbitrary standard?

The same logic applies to a different yardstick. The only difference between the starvation example and the less than an arbitrary standard example is that society now recognises needs of the employee beyond merely food.
I.e., you're bundling...
... since there's a ready market for Thing 1 and no buyers for Thing 2, you offer them together as a package deal. And, hoping to cut down on the complaints from your customers about the bundling, you tell them that your entire costs incurred in making both things are "the base cost of Thing 1".

That is the cost of maintaining the employee.

While it would be lovely to have a business where you can labour for no time and still make money, I'm afraid the real world doesn't work that way. A business that consumes all of a person's labour, must meet all of their costs. It's not a complicated principle.
Yes, I understand the principle. It isn't a principle society has decided to base policy on. But you'd like it to be, so you're propagandizing for it by making false claims about causation, and by equivocating between the cost of maintaining the employee and the cost of his labor.

But those are your fault; they aren't the fault of the principle you're proposing. Let's analyze the principle itself. A business must meet whatever costs the government assigns to it; we have a society and "it has labour" that's sold, which is to say, we're democracies and our respective voters have voted to make our respective governments the de facto part-owners of all our individual labor; our legislatures currently choose to sell the labor jointly owned by the government and its subjects for no less than minimum wage; but if our legislatures instead choose to put your principle into effect and take up refusing to sell the labor they have for less than the cost of maintaining the employee, they get to do that.

A lot of owners do exactly the same thing with their stuff: they refuse on principle to sell an item for less than they paid for whatever bundle it was part of when they acquired it, because of a mental hang-up about perceiving themselves as having lost money on a deal, even when consequently they end up throwing the item away and recouping none of their expenditure instead of recouping some of it. You want our society to engage in this practice because of metaphysical beliefs about cost allocation: you think when you sell at a loss it means the buyer is a leech.

Let's say MW is 6 pounds an hour; and let's say the wage "living wage" advocates define a "living wage" as is 10 pounds an hour, going by the arbitrary standard society defines as "the cost of maintaining the employee", based on the needs society now recognizes beyond merely food, such as the need for decent housing and the need not to work over 8 hours a day. I.e., they calculate the cost of maintaining an employee at 20,000 pounds a year. Of course, actual costs may vary. For instance, there are hundreds of thousands of people with kidney failure, kept alive by dialysis. This plays hell with their ability to hold down jobs; most of them are unemployed. The ones who work need sympathetic employers willing to accommodate their dialysis schedules and frequent unfitness. For example, a burger flipper might have dialysis on Monday, Wednesday and Friday so he's only available for work on Tuesday and Thursday. All of the labor he has to give, that his employer according to your argument is "claiming all of", is therefore 16 hours a week. A business that consumes all of a person's labour must meet all of their costs, according to your not complicated principle; it follows that she must pay the dialysis patient 25 pounds an hour. Oops! Forgot the cost of the dialysis itself. That's very much a part of the full cost of maintaining that employee to the standard society accepts. Here that would be another 20,000 pounds a year, but let's say half of that is legendary American medical inefficiency. So this employee costs 30,000 pounds a year. And all that's available to pay for that is his 800 hours of labor plus subsidies from other businesses.

So according to your inference procedure, she's a leech unless she pays him 37 pounds fifty pence for each hour he flips burgers. You're paying your burger flippers ten pounds an hour while she's paying hers twelve pounds an hour, which means you're paying to support her sweat shop. So if she wants to be a decent non-loser businesswoman who doesn't mooch off other, more successful businesses who can meet their costs and shouldn't have to also meet her costs, then she has little choice. She'll just have to sack the guy with kidney failure, find a different worker who can live decently on 12 pounds an hour, and thereby stop shifting her costs to society. Your business and the other businesses will then have to cough up an additional 9600 pounds a year. I take it you'll all be happy to do that because at least you'll all have been relieved of the negative externality she was imposing on you.[/sarcasm]

And distinguishing between such companies by comparing them to a standard you've already stipulated is arbitrary will correctly identify the companies that produce wealth, will it?

Absolutely, it identifies the opportunity cost of employment.
I'm not following. What opportunity is being missed out on as a result of the MW employment, and what is the cost of that missed opportunity?

They're not available to work for another employer.
But that other employer, if she even exists, was also offering only minimum wage, so the cost of the missed opportunity is zero. (If she were offering more than minimum wage then the MW employee would have quit and taken the better-paying job, so the opportunity would not be missed.)

If the company is not paying for the value of the employees, then it's offloading that cost onto other people.
What do you mean by "the value" of the employees? Do you mean the degree to which somebody values them, and if so, who?
Society has placed an arbitrary value on the cost of the employee, by dictating a minimum standard to which they must be maintained.
I.e., you don't mean the degree to which anyone values the employees, least of all society. The amount somebody dictates must be spent on anything is only a measure of how much he values it if he's paying that amount himself. Society is not deciding an employee is worth X and choosing to pay X for him. Your country and mine have discriminatory tax systems, which means society is choosing to make somebody else pay X for him. All that proves is that society values the employee more than society values the selected taxpayers getting to keep their money. Since there's no reason to think society places a value of X pounds on the targeted taxpayers getting to keep X of their pounds, the mere fact that society dictates X pounds must be spent on am employee isn't the slightest piece of evidence for the hypothesis that society values the employee at X pounds. It follows that when you casually switch between "the value of the employees" and "that cost", you are committing another fallacy (on top of your ongoing equivocation between the value of the employee and the value of his labor).

(And, beating a dead horse, the employee offloads costs onto other people. You choosing to pick the person he sells his labor to and accuse her of offloading costs is baseless and arbitrary. You could equally well pick a farmer he buys his food from and accuse the farmer of offloading costs, on account of the farmer not giving the poor person enough food to live on for a year in return for what he can afford to pay -- say, the going price of six months worth of food -- and claim the farmer is relying on handouts from the soup kitchen to keep him profitable by keeping his customer alive.)

The business, to consume the labour of a person, must pay the maintenance costs of that person.
No it mustn't, because society has not decreed that it must. And even if society were to decree what you want it to decree, that would not be evidence that failure to pay the maintenance costs of that person constitutes mooching, leeching, actively contributing to starvation, imposing costs, or creating negative externalities. What actions cause what outcomes is not determined by who must do what.

This really isn't that complicated. You have a society. It has costs, set at a minimum per person by that society. And it has labour. The labour is sold to meet the costs. If business A does not pay enough for the labour to meet the costs, then that cost has to be met by another business. There's lots of intermediate steps, but that's what it boils down to.
But the labor isn't sold to meet the costs. The labor is sold for whatever society (and the laborer, who let's not forget is still part-owner of the labor) choose to sell it for and some buyer chooses to buy it for, regardless of whether that amount meets the costs, or exceeds them, or falls short. If you think a society should choose a price based on an accounting convention instead of on maximizing revenue or maximizing utility or letting each laborer negotiate for himself or whatever, why should a society do that?

So why on earth would a society want to charge businesses that do meet these costs to pay for the gap left by those that don't?
You keep assuming your conclusion as a premise. The gap wasn't left by the MW employer -- there'd be an even bigger gap without her. The gap was there to begin with and the MW employer filled part of it. So why on earth would a society want to charge businesses to fill in a small gap when it has the option of banning the partial filling of gaps and hence charging businesses more to fill in a big gap? Gee, let me think...

You can rail on about whose costs they really are
You're the one who made the original claim about whose costs they really are. You didn't offer evidence, so I disputed your claim. Why do you think this means I'm the one "railing on"? Do you get a free pass as a non-railer for having gone first? I have an alternate proposal for how to tell which of us is doing the railing: let's check which one of us tried to support the claim that the other one of us is a piece of s***.

, what constitutes a subsidy, and where the moral responsibility lies, but in practice the businesses have to bear the cost, one way or another.
Are you suggesting that to challenge your assertions on those points is to quibble over theoretical trivialities? It's not as though you've been explaining why raising the MW to 10 pounds an hour will maximize total human happiness. Those assertions are your entire case. You are arguing for a policy that it appears will increase the cost the other businesses have to bear; you're trying to justify that policy by accusing those who don't already follow it of being leeches; and all you've got to back that up with is a long list of unevidenced claims about whose costs they really are, what constitutes a subsidy, and where the moral responsibility lies.
 
..or imagine if all firms payed below living costs. Who'd pay for the welfare that'd be necessary to maintain consumption? One firm's labour costs are another firm's revenue. There are no Martian or Venusian consumers or tax-payers. It's just unworkable. Firms that don't pay living costs are necessarily supported by firms that do. Nothing to do with gov't responsibility or whose names are on welfare cheques.
Firms are not supported, people are.
I think the comment - in full - to which you reply stands as counterargument.

Consider a miniature society with three companies that all employ one third of the population.

Company A pays its workers 150% of their living costs.
Company B pays its workers 100% of their living costs.
Company C pays its workers 50% of their living costs.

Together, the society pays its own costs and is sustainable. But if you remove company C, the total production is only 5/6ths of the costs, and the society will eventually collapse or adapt (maybe by eliminating enough unproductives members). Just because all companies can't pay below living costs, doesn't mean some companies can't, or shouldn't.
And I'm not necessarily claiming otherwise. Company C is nontheless dependent on A and B for revenue and the welfare sustaining its employees.
No, it is not, because Company C doesn't own the people working for it. They are not the company's responsibility.

If you own an apple tree, and I buy apples from you, that doesn't make me responsible for cost of that apple tree. That's your responsibility, as the owner, not mine as a buyer. You can sell your apples at whichever price you think is right to maximize your profit, but if that doesn't help you cover the costs of the tree, it's not my problem. What's so hard about that to understand?
 
Charity, families etc are not alternatives, but ultimately the same source of subsidy (whoever one ragards as beneficiaries) as I and others have repeatedly explained and you've acknowledged. Neither are further sacrificing health and living conditions alternatives since they are the reason existing MW employment would become unsustainable.
Already addressed. The sacrifices to quality of life is due to eliminating welfare, not because of MW employment.
Who's saying otherwise? What's that got to do with it?
You are saying it, but probably don't even realize it. You are trying to weasel your conclusion into the argument as a premise. The thought expriment of a world without welfare shows that MW employment would be sustainable (and might even do better). Of course, this also leads to a situation where living conditions would be worse for many of the poor, but that's not relevant because it is due to the removal of welfare (which was the whole point of the thought expriment), not because of MW employment. What you are trying to do is build a strawman by somehow constructing another world that not only lacks welfare, but somehow magically also has equal standard of living to now, and somehow has abolished minimum wage. This is not based on any kind of logical inference, but on your unsupporter assertion that MW is not sustainable.

Jayjay said:
And even if all forms of welfare like charities or family support was somehow eliminated, and every individual was forced to make his own living or starve, it wouldn't matter because from employer's point of view an unemployed person is already the same as a dead person: the (non)employer would not be paying their costs anyway.
Unlike the working poor, who are now the majority of welfare recipients.
Those who can survive on a minimum wage would be more motivated to do so due to lack of backup plan, and those who can't would be out of work force anyway.
Thereby reducing the available labour pool - especially of people in a fit state to work in catering and retail.
Except your own added stipulations of removing all forms of subsidies would greatly increase that pool because people who are now sustained by charity or family would have to seek jobs, and even those who do have jobs would have to consider taking a second job or working more hours. And there are jobs outside retail and catering as well.

Quick wikipedia search shows that there are roughly 46 million people living below povery line, and about 12 million unemployed. Assuming all those unemployed are poor and that the figures are at least in the right ballpark, that means roughly one unemployed per every three working poor. Poverty line is not exactly matter of life and death, but even if it was, that would mean that 25% of the poor could die this instant and there would still be enough to fill all existing jobs. Your assertion that there aren't enough people left to work doesn't sound very plausible.

Jayjay said:
You: The hypothetical assumes a world that would not be a decent and prosperous society, so the fact that minimum wage employers could operate there shows that such businesses don't have viable business models in decent societies.

Me: There are also non-minimum wage employers who would be able to prosper in such a society. Basically anyone who caters cheap goods to the poor would get more business if there were more poverty, regardless of what they pay their employees. For example, Costco. Therefore the fact that a company can operate in a non-decent society doesn't tell us anything about how viable their business model is in a decent society.
That doesn't even the address the issue since they aren't the relevant employers by definition. It isn't even true anyway since the relevant consumers would have less or no disposable income.
The point is precisely that they are not minimum-wage employers - your counter argument makes special pleading to the conditions of employment somehow being the defining aspect of a business model. Just because a business with certain employment conditions might thrive in a crapsack world envisioned here, doesn't mean that their business model is the cause of the crapsack world.
Then I've no idea what that point is supposed to be and suspect you're addressing some counterargument you'd like me to have made. Again.
Well, technically you made no counter-argument at all as far as I can tell. You don't even seem to understand your own reasoning so I guess I just have to try to spell it out to you, again. As you didn't call me out on it, I assume my phrasing of your position above was accurate:

You: The hypothetical assumes a world that would not be a decent and prosperous society, so the fact that minimum wage employers could operate there shows that such businesses don't have viable business models in decent societies.

So in essense, you are saying that if a company with characteristic X (e.g., X = "employs people at minimum wage") is viable in a world that is not prosperous, then it shows that this business model is not or shouldn't be viable in a prosperous society. But if you step outside your box for a while and see that X could be something else, factors that you don't already consider harmful due to emotional reasons (say, companies who pay their employees well, but benefit from selling to the poor), but still meet the same criteria of benefiting from poverty. This counter-example shows that your reasoning is flawed.

JayJay said:
JayJay said:
They are, in the sense that they buy something (scrap metal vs. labor) at a cost that is lower than the cost it took to create or maintain it originally (new car vs. person's living costs). Yes, you are right, the cost and possible losses of a totaled car are borne by someone else than the scrap yard who buys it for pittance, and that's exatly the point: living costs of a person are also borne by someone else, and it's not the responsibility of whoever happens to buy that person's labor., even if it is for a pittance. If the scrap yard in the analogy is not a "moocher" then neither is the minimum-wage employer.
Nah, what I meant was that depreciation in car value DOESN'T have to be borne by someone else like human living costs do. It's just loss, "written off", end of, and no one starves when it isn't compensated for. If we accept the equivalence you draw between the value of a new car and the cost of living, there is no depreciation and the scrapyard/employer gets the equivalent of a new car, then does something with it that only generates $100 revenue. That's nonsense in the case of a scrapyard, almost by definition, but not unlike what a below-cost employer does.
We're not talking about getting an equivalent of a new car. The analogy stated that the car is still scrap, but during its lifetime had not generated enough value to cover it's own manufacturing costs (say, due to an accident or a defect or poor maintenance by its owner... the exact reason doesn't matter).
I think the comment to which you reply stands in response. You restate a question based on the assumptions I dispute.
This is equivalent of a person who's labor isn't worth what it took to produce that labor
Which isn't even the issue. Rather, it's low-margin, easily substited goods and services which aren't worth what it takes to sustain the necessary labour .The same burger flipped by Steve Jobs or a neurosurgeon wouldn't fetch a penny more.
Which assumption do you dispute?
That low-wage is some inherent characteristic of the worker or analagous to car depreciation.
Then explain what the magical quality about humans is different. Human metabolism consumes energy, even when it is not producing labor. Cars rust. Humans age and deteriorate with age. So do cars. It takes a considerable amoutn of resources to create a human being and provide him with basic skills to function in a society. And it takes resources in form of materials and energy to build a car. And most importantly, not every human has the same cost or benefit, and neither do cars. You could take good care of your car and it'll pay its own cost many times over. Or you can crash it right out of the dealership... and similarly while some people are able to sustain themselves (and others), there are always going to be those who can't.

Jayjay said:
If you think that every person can produce enough to cover their own upkeep, I totally disagree. There is a spectrum of people from those completely unable to work, to those who might work some, to those who can support themselves and more. If you are referring to some other assumption, please elaborate.

I don't see what a neurosurgeon flipping burgers has to do with the argument.
Exactly what I said. The burger wouldn't be worth a cent more. The limiting factor is the value of the burger, not the flipper.
I am not saying that a neurosurgeon who flips burgers should be paid more, than the non-neurosurgeon. In fact it has been your argument that people should be paid based on what they cost to society, and a neurosurgeon with his years of expensive training has certainly been higher cost than a non-skilled high-school graduate. But why should his employer pay him more based on that cost that is out of his control?
That has not been my argument.
Then what is your argument? Because I have no clue what point you are trying to make here.

Jayjay said:
Jayjay said:
As for costs just being "written off", consider a person who's car is his livelihood. A small time contractor, or even a wage worker who has to commute a long distance every day. His car gets totalled, and he sudenly doesn't have an income to bring food to the table. Your contention that it's "just a loss, written off, end of, and no one starves" don't really apply now do they?
BINGO! Right, because it's then an occupational hazard or running cost which his occupation generates too little revenue to cover and put food on the table. One way or another he'll need susbsidy. If we subsidise the car depreciation to keep him in business, then the scrapyard (along with rest of us) is already subsidising an otherwise unviable business.

If he can still put food on the table, the depreciation is indeed just a loss he has to absorb like the rest of us would - "written off," end of - and not equivalent to human living costs.
Ok, let's consider the first option. What's wrong with sharing the cost with everyone equally?
Nothing necessarily, as I keep saying.
Why do you think the scrap yard should be responsible for subsidizing the WHOLE cost?
I've just said it shouldn't.
What did the scrap yard do wrong here? We have welfare to cover costs of inviable humans, because unlike businesses, we can't just let people die on the street. But the issue here is not whether shit happens, it's who should pay the bill when it does.
Which depends on what kind of shit exactly we're talking about. Your analogy mischaracterises the shit in question.
No, my analogy reveals the fallacy in your thinking: you treat the buyer of labor differently from buyer of other stuff. But a cost is a cost, regardless of whether it's a car or a human being. When you spend X amount of resource to build a car, that's a cost, and it's just a matter of passing the buck until it's covered. Same with humans. You have this emotonal hookup about there being something special about labor that somehow compels the buyer of said labor to take responsibility for the producer of the labor, that is clouding your mind.

If it was really about characterizing the "shit in question", then here's an exercise for you: define the characteristics of the "shit" whose entire costs should be paid by the buyer rather than the producer, without making references to terms like "labor" or "people" or "evil MW moochers" or any other emotionally laden preconceived ideas you might have in your mind.

Jayjay said:
You still haven't said anything as to why an employee who buys a person's labor below value should be forced to cover that person's living costs, but a scrap yard who buys a person's car below that car's manufacturing and maintenance costs doesn't have such special requirements.
That's because (a) I haven't said they should be forced to, but that they're subsidised if they don't and (b) the two things aren't nearly equivalent without conditions by which your scenario demonstrates my contention, not yours.
The meme that MW employers are subsidized implies that there is a cost that they should be responsible for, so yes you are saying that the MW employers should be forced to pay more.
Garbage. People (including me) approve of all sorts of subsidies, which they couldn't possibly by that logic.
Fine, whatever. It is irrelevant whether you approve or not, becasue the issue in this thread is that it is not a subsidy but a silly meme that is mostly used by one side in MW debate. Whether you are personally for or against MW isn't really relevant.

Jayjay said:
Let's say there are two people: the 110% guy, and the 50% guy, both employed at wages of 90% and 30% of their living costs respectively (to keep the profit from each person at the same level).
WTF does that even mean? You have there a 90% guy and a 30% guy, end of. How are the other percentages meaningful or knowable? Doctor's certificates or something?
So your plan would be to set the living wage at 100% and incentivize the first company to do so by subsidizing them with the missing 10% that makes it sufficiently profitable.
Um,no.
But what do you do with the 50% guy?

If you let him be fired, then the total cost of these two people to society is still 200% and productivity is 110% instead of 160%.

If you subsidize the emplyer of the 50% guy by covering the entire missing 70% to make it profitable, you'll actually be disincentivizing the first kind of company and incentivizing minimum wage employers.

If you subsidize them both by 10% but let both guys be employed, then how is that different from general welfare?

Any other options?
Yeah. Set MW at what the market will bear, so bad employers don't use welfare to undercut good employers, and investment in business plans involving taking money from other businesses isn't as profitable as investment in other businesses.

Then talk about 110% and 50% guys might actually mean something.
An employer is expected to make certain profit. Otherwise he's not going to employ a person. The added 20% margin was to cover that profit, and was same for both employees because then they both get ripped off by the same amount. Of course the numbers are arbitrary, they are to make a point and to easily grasp the situation in a hypothetical scenario where we assume there number are knowable.

As for your solution, what if the MW that the market will bear happens to be below a person's living costs? Bad employers, good employers... again appeal to emotion. You have not defined why an employer that allows the person who can cover 50% of his costs to do so, is a "bad employer", but the employer that allows the 110% guy to contribute that 110% to society is a "good employer". I think they are both good employers to varying degress, and only bad employer would be one that directly or indirectly costs the society more than he produces.


Jayjay said:
Jayjay said:
That tautology doesn't negate my point in any way: nothing is forcing employers to continue to be employers if they were forced to pay a higher wage. Only those employers who would already be willing to pay a higher wage would do so, and the real question is what factors are preventing the workers from negotiating that wage anyway.
If they couldn't or wouldn't pay the higher wage which (per your latest assertion) they'd have to if they want to remain employers, then they were subsidised.
No, they were not. Because arbitrary additional regulations are not a reasonable default position.
Who's saying they are?
You are.

What you're saying here is that if companies had to pay more, some marginal employers would go out of business. Then you are switching this "if" around to claim that they were subsidized before. This is what is an arbitrary additional regulation, and it makes absolutely no sense because you can imagine all kinds of regulations that would force companies to go out of business, but it wouldn't make sense to call the lack of those regulations subsidies (unless there is some other reason to do so, for example if said regulations exist to cover externalities the companies should pay for). Since Colorado legalized marihuana, some businesses are now viable that weren't before. If Colorado were to reverse its policy and criminalize pot again, those businesses would become inviable again. Does that mean that Colorado is subsidizing marihuana-related businesses? I think not, by any reasonable definition of "subsidy" anyway.

Jayjay said:
Jayjay said:
Living costs of a person aren't caused by anyone in particular either (except maybe that person himself, or his parents). They are just as much a brute fact.
Exactly. So redistribution which makes any factor of production cheaper subsidises it regardless of the fact that no one in particular caused the cost in the first place.
Which is not the case with labor: redistribution of income doesn't make labor cheaper, it makes it more expensive.
So you repeatedly assert. I've given detailed counterargument re existing MW employment.
No you haven't. You're just asserting that people would die off, which they wouldn't as shown by real-world examples (other countries without welfare, USA in 19th and early 20th century), and for some reason you are assuming that people would be in a position to demand higher pay if they were in worse financial situation, which makes absolutely no sense on any level.
 
Of course, this also leads to a situation where living conditions would be worse for many of the poor, but that's not relevant because it is due to the removal of welfare

It's been relevant all through this, "because we live in a world where we care that people don't die in the street; with the obvious caveat that some really disturbing people (audience at GOP debate) do not actually care about people dying in the street."

That's part of the entire premise of the USA having corporate moochers. It's not some seasteader fantasy where you just dump bodies over the side it's the HERE AND NOW American corporate environment.
 
Charity, families etc are not alternatives, but ultimately the same source of subsidy (whoever one ragards as beneficiaries) as I and others have repeatedly explained and you've acknowledged. Neither are further sacrificing health and living conditions alternatives since they are the reason existing MW employment would become unsustainable.
Already addressed. The sacrifices to quality of life is due to eliminating welfare, not because of MW employment.
Who's saying otherwise? What's that got to do with it?
You are saying it, but probably don't even realize it. You are trying to weasel your conclusion into the argument as a premise. The thought expriment of a world without welfare shows that MW employment would be sustainable (and might even do better).
But that's what I'm disputing.
Of course, this also leads to a situation where living conditions would be worse for many of the poor, but that's not relevant because it is due to the removal of welfare (which was the whole point of the thought expriment), not because of MW employment. What you are trying to do is build a strawman by somehow constructing another world that not only lacks welfare, but somehow magically also has equal standard of living to now, and somehow has abolished minimum wage. This is not based on any kind of logical inference, but on your unsupporter assertion that MW is not sustainable.
On the contrary, I'm saying such a world isn't possible, yet the MW employment in question (not 19thC cotton mills etc) depends on one of the incompatible conditions. The argument you impute re causes of the non-conducive conditions is irrelevant

Jayjay said:
Jayjay said:
And even if all forms of welfare like charities or family support was somehow eliminated, and every individual was forced to make his own living or starve, it wouldn't matter because from employer's point of view an unemployed person is already the same as a dead person: the (non)employer would not be paying their costs anyway.
Unlike the working poor, who are now the majority of welfare recipients.
Those who can survive on a minimum wage would be more motivated to do so due to lack of backup plan, and those who can't would be out of work force anyway.
Thereby reducing the available labour pool - especially of people in a fit state to work in catering and retail.
Except your own added stipulations of removing all forms of subsidies would greatly increase that pool because people who are now sustained by charity or family would have to seek jobs, and even those who do have jobs would have to consider taking a second job or working more hours. And there are jobs outside retail and catering as well.

Quick wikipedia search shows that there are roughly 46 million people living below povery line, and about 12 million unemployed. Assuming all those unemployed are poor and that the figures are at least in the right ballpark, that means roughly one unemployed per every three working poor. Poverty line is not exactly matter of life and death, but even if it was, that would mean that 25% of the poor could die this instant and there would still be enough to fill all existing jobs. Your assertion that there aren't enough people left to work doesn't sound very plausible.
Which remains irrelevant since starving, homeless and sick people couldn't sustain the catering and retail businesses that constitute most MW employment. Some other types of business might remain commercially viable but would probably not remain legally viable.

Jayjay said:
Jayjay said:
You: The hypothetical assumes a world that would not be a decent and prosperous society, so the fact that minimum wage employers could operate there shows that such businesses don't have viable business models in decent societies.
:rolleyes: Oh ffs, NO I'm saying actual real world MW businesses could not operate in that world. Even if marginal burger franchises etc were (somehow) displaced by chimney sweeps etc, the defunct burger franchises would have been no less subsidised.

Me: There are also non-minimum wage employers who would be able to prosper in such a society. Basically anyone who caters cheap goods to the poor would get more business if there were more poverty, regardless of what they pay their employees. For example, Costco. Therefore the fact that a company can operate in a non-decent society doesn't tell us anything about how viable their business model is in a decent society.
That doesn't even the address the issue since they aren't the relevant employers by definition. It isn't even true anyway since the relevant consumers would have less or no disposable income.
The point is precisely that they are not minimum-wage employers - your counter argument makes special pleading to the conditions of employment somehow being the defining aspect of a business model. Just because a business with certain employment conditions might thrive in a crapsack world envisioned here, doesn't mean that their business model is the cause of the crapsack world.
Then I've no idea what that point is supposed to be and suspect you're addressing some counterargument you'd like me to have made. Again.
Well, technically you made no counter-argument at all as far as I can tell. You don't even seem to understand your own reasoning so I guess I just have to try to spell it out to you, again. As you didn't call me out on it, I assume my phrasing of your position above was accurate:

You: The hypothetical assumes a world that would not be a decent and prosperous society, so the fact that minimum wage employers could operate there shows that such businesses don't have viable business models in decent societies.

So in essense, you are saying that if a company with characteristic X (e.g., X = "employs people at minimum wage") is viable in a world that is not prosperous, then it shows that this business model is not or shouldn't be viable in a prosperous society. But if you step outside your box for a while and see that X could be something else, factors that you don't already consider harmful due to emotional reasons (say, companies who pay their employees well, but benefit from selling to the poor), but still meet the same criteria of benefiting from poverty. This counter-example shows that your reasoning is flawed.
It's moot to my reasoning and wrong on its own terms. X becoming something else would be evidence of X having been contingent on whatever condition has changed.

JayJay said:
JayJay said:
JayJay said:
They are, in the sense that they buy something (scrap metal vs. labor) at a cost that is lower than the cost it took to create or maintain it originally (new car vs. person's living costs). Yes, you are right, the cost and possible losses of a totaled car are borne by someone else than the scrap yard who buys it for pittance, and that's exatly the point: living costs of a person are also borne by someone else, and it's not the responsibility of whoever happens to buy that person's labor., even if it is for a pittance. If the scrap yard in the analogy is not a "moocher" then neither is the minimum-wage employer.
Nah, what I meant was that depreciation in car value DOESN'T have to be borne by someone else like human living costs do. It's just loss, "written off", end of, and no one starves when it isn't compensated for. If we accept the equivalence you draw between the value of a new car and the cost of living, there is no depreciation and the scrapyard/employer gets the equivalent of a new car, then does something with it that only generates $100 revenue. That's nonsense in the case of a scrapyard, almost by definition, but not unlike what a below-cost employer does.
We're not talking about getting an equivalent of a new car. The analogy stated that the car is still scrap, but during its lifetime had not generated enough value to cover it's own manufacturing costs (say, due to an accident or a defect or poor maintenance by its owner... the exact reason doesn't matter).
I think the comment to which you reply stands in response. You restate a question based on the assumptions I dispute.
This is equivalent of a person who's labor isn't worth what it took to produce that labor
Which isn't even the issue. Rather, it's low-margin, easily substited goods and services which aren't worth what it takes to sustain the necessary labour .The same burger flipped by Steve Jobs or a neurosurgeon wouldn't fetch a penny more.
Which assumption do you dispute?
That low-wage is some inherent characteristic of the worker or analagous to car depreciation.
Then explain what the magical quality about humans is different. Human metabolism consumes energy, even when it is not producing labor. Cars rust. Humans age and deteriorate with age. So do cars. It takes a considerable amoutn of resources to create a human being and provide him with basic skills to function in a society. And it takes resources in form of materials and energy to build a car. And most importantly, not every human has the same cost or benefit, and neither do cars. You could take good care of your car and it'll pay its own cost many times over. Or you can crash it right out of the dealership... and similarly while some people are able to sustain themselves (and others), there are always going to be those who can't.

Jayjay said:
If you think that every person can produce enough to cover their own upkeep, I totally disagree. There is a spectrum of people from those completely unable to work, to those who might work some, to those who can support themselves and more. If you are referring to some other assumption, please elaborate.

I don't see what a neurosurgeon flipping burgers has to do with the argument.
Exactly what I said. The burger wouldn't be worth a cent more. The limiting factor is the value of the burger, not the flipper.
I am not saying that a neurosurgeon who flips burgers should be paid more, than the non-neurosurgeon. In fact it has been your argument that people should be paid based on what they cost to society, and a neurosurgeon with his years of expensive training has certainly been higher cost than a non-skilled high-school graduate. But why should his employer pay him more based on that cost that is out of his control?
That has not been my argument.
Then what is your argument? Because I have no clue what point you are trying to make here.
I'm disputing your analogy here, not trying to make any point

Jayjay said:
Jayjay said:
Jayjay said:
As for costs just being "written off", consider a person who's car is his livelihood. A small time contractor, or even a wage worker who has to commute a long distance every day. His car gets totalled, and he sudenly doesn't have an income to bring food to the table. Your contention that it's "just a loss, written off, end of, and no one starves" don't really apply now do they?
BINGO! Right, because it's then an occupational hazard or running cost which his occupation generates too little revenue to cover and put food on the table. One way or another he'll need susbsidy. If we subsidise the car depreciation to keep him in business, then the scrapyard (along with rest of us) is already subsidising an otherwise unviable business.

If he can still put food on the table, the depreciation is indeed just a loss he has to absorb like the rest of us would - "written off," end of - and not equivalent to human living costs.
Ok, let's consider the first option. What's wrong with sharing the cost with everyone equally?
Nothing necessarily, as I keep saying.
Why do you think the scrap yard should be responsible for subsidizing the WHOLE cost?
I've just said it shouldn't.
What did the scrap yard do wrong here? We have welfare to cover costs of inviable humans, because unlike businesses, we can't just let people die on the street. But the issue here is not whether shit happens, it's who should pay the bill when it does.
Which depends on what kind of shit exactly we're talking about. Your analogy mischaracterises the shit in question.
No, my analogy reveals the fallacy in your thinking: you treat the buyer of labor differently from buyer of other stuff. But a cost is a cost, regardless of whether it's a car or a human being. When you spend X amount of resource to build a car, that's a cost, and it's just a matter of passing the buck until it's covered. Same with humans. You have this emotonal hookup about there being something special about labor that somehow compels the buyer of said labor to take responsibility for the producer of the labor, that is clouding your mind.
Nearly. People (most people, anyway) treat labour differently because labour means people. And people are markedly and uniquely different from "other stuff" Cars and the like aren't conscious and don't die slow horrible deaths without sufficient food, shelter etc. While you might be happy for people in that state to prepare and serve your food, attend to you in shops, stack your shelves etc (in which case you should familiarise yourself with the germ theory of disease), most consumers wouldn't be. That's the commercial and legal reality regardless of any individual's opinion.

If it was really about characterizing the "shit in question", then here's an exercise for you: define the characteristics of the "shit" whose entire costs should be paid by the buyer rather than the producer, without making references to terms like "labor" or "people" or "evil MW moochers" or any other emotionally laden preconceived ideas you might have in your mind.
Factors of production. If buyers don't cover that cost, supply isn't viable without resources taken from others.

Jayjay said:
Jayjay said:
You still haven't said anything as to why an employee who buys a person's labor below value should be forced to cover that person's living costs, but a scrap yard who buys a person's car below that car's manufacturing and maintenance costs doesn't have such special requirements.
That's because (a) I haven't said they should be forced to, but that they're subsidised if they don't and (b) the two things aren't nearly equivalent without conditions by which your scenario demonstrates my contention, not yours.
The meme that MW employers are subsidized implies that there is a cost that they should be responsible for, so yes you are saying that the MW employers should be forced to pay more.
Garbage. People (including me) approve of all sorts of subsidies, which they couldn't possibly by that logic.
Fine, whatever. It is irrelevant whether you approve or not, becasue the issue in this thread is that it is not a subsidy but a silly meme that is mostly used by one side in MW debate. Whether you are personally for or against MW isn't really relevant.

Jayjay said:
Let's say there are two people: the 110% guy, and the 50% guy, both employed at wages of 90% and 30% of their living costs respectively (to keep the profit from each person at the same level).
WTF does that even mean? You have there a 90% guy and a 30% guy, end of. How are the other percentages meaningful or knowable? Doctor's certificates or something?
So your plan would be to set the living wage at 100% and incentivize the first company to do so by subsidizing them with the missing 10% that makes it sufficiently profitable.
Um,no.
But what do you do with the 50% guy?

If you let him be fired, then the total cost of these two people to society is still 200% and productivity is 110% instead of 160%.

If you subsidize the emplyer of the 50% guy by covering the entire missing 70% to make it profitable, you'll actually be disincentivizing the first kind of company and incentivizing minimum wage employers.

If you subsidize them both by 10% but let both guys be employed, then how is that different from general welfare?

Any other options?
Yeah. Set MW at what the market will bear, so bad employers don't use welfare to undercut good employers, and investment in business plans involving taking money from other businesses isn't as profitable as investment in other businesses.

Then talk about 110% and 50% guys might actually mean something.
An employer is expected to make certain profit. Otherwise he's not going to employ a person. The added 20% margin was to cover that profit, and was same for both employees because then they both get ripped off by the same amount. Of course the numbers are arbitrary, they are to make a point and to easily grasp the situation in a hypothetical scenario where we assume there number are knowable.

As for your solution, what if the MW that the market will bear happens to be below a person's living costs?
Then we have to weigh up costs vs benefits of subsidy, public sector employment, unemployment, training programmes etc
Bad employers, good employers... again appeal to emotion. You have not defined why an employer that allows the person who can cover 50% of his costs to do so, is a "bad employer", but the employer that allows the 110% guy to contribute that 110% to society is a "good employer". I think they are both good employers to varying degress, and only bad employer would be one that directly or indirectly costs the society more than he produces.
Because it's good that wages rather than welfare cover living costs. 'Not so good employers using welfare to undercut better emplyers' is just a bit of a mouthful.

Jayjay said:
Jayjay said:
Jayjay said:
That tautology doesn't negate my point in any way: nothing is forcing employers to continue to be employers if they were forced to pay a higher wage. Only those employers who would already be willing to pay a higher wage would do so, and the real question is what factors are preventing the workers from negotiating that wage anyway.
If they couldn't or wouldn't pay the higher wage which (per your latest assertion) they'd have to if they want to remain employers, then they were subsidised.
No, they were not. Because arbitrary additional regulations are not a reasonable default position.
Who's saying they are?
You are.

What you're saying here is that if companies had to pay more, some marginal employers would go out of business. Then you are switching this "if" around to claim that they were subsidized before. This is what is an arbitrary additional regulation, and it makes absolutely no sense because you can imagine all kinds of regulations that would force companies to go out of business, but it wouldn't make sense to call the lack of those regulations subsidies (unless there is some other reason to do so, for example if said regulations exist to cover externalities the companies should pay for). Since Colorado legalized marihuana, some businesses are now viable that weren't before. If Colorado were to reverse its policy and criminalize pot again, those businesses would become inviable again. Does that mean that Colorado is subsidizing marihuana-related businesses? I think not, by any reasonable definition of "subsidy" anyway.
That someone must pay living costs isn't an "arbitrary additional regulation" . It's a commercial reality for most of the relevant businesses and an existing legal requirement. Legal prohibitions on the kind of conditions you tout as an alternative are "regulation", but neither "additional" or "unreasonable"

Jayjay said:
Jayjay said:
Jayjay said:
Living costs of a person aren't caused by anyone in particular either (except maybe that person himself, or his parents). They are just as much a brute fact.
Exactly. So redistribution which makes any factor of production cheaper subsidises it regardless of the fact that no one in particular caused the cost in the first place.
Which is not the case with labor: redistribution of income doesn't make labor cheaper, it makes it more expensive.
So you repeatedly assert. I've given detailed counterargument re existing MW employment.
No you haven't. You're just asserting that people would die off, which they wouldn't as shown by real-world examples (other countries without welfare, USA in 19th and early 20th century), and for some reason you are assuming that people would be in a position to demand higher pay if they were in worse financial situation, which makes absolutely no sense on any level.
No, that's not what I'm saying (<-click).
 
..or imagine if all firms payed below living costs. Who'd pay for the welfare that'd be necessary to maintain consumption? One firm's labour costs are another firm's revenue. There are no Martian or Venusian consumers or tax-payers. It's just unworkable. Firms that don't pay living costs are necessarily supported by firms that do. Nothing to do with gov't responsibility or whose names are on welfare cheques.
Firms are not supported, people are.
I think the comment - in full - to which you reply stands as counterargument.

Consider a miniature society with three companies that all employ one third of the population.

Company A pays its workers 150% of their living costs.
Company B pays its workers 100% of their living costs.
Company C pays its workers 50% of their living costs.

Together, the society pays its own costs and is sustainable. But if you remove company C, the total production is only 5/6ths of the costs, and the society will eventually collapse or adapt (maybe by eliminating enough unproductives members). Just because all companies can't pay below living costs, doesn't mean some companies can't, or shouldn't.
And I'm not necessarily claiming otherwise. Company C is nontheless dependent on A and B for revenue and the welfare sustaining its employees.
No, it is not, because Company C doesn't own the people working for it. They are not the company's responsibility.
The argument you respond to doesn't assume that they are.

If you own an apple tree, and I buy apples from you, that doesn't make me responsible for cost of that apple tree. That's your responsibility, as the owner, not mine as a buyer. You can sell your apples at whichever price you think is right to maximize your profit, but if that doesn't help you cover the costs of the tree, it's not my problem. What's so hard about that to understand?
Nothing, it just doesn't preclude the buyer being subsidised. If the buyer needs apples but doesn't pay enough to maintain the tree, then either someone else must or the buyer must to do without apples. What's so hard to understand about that?

The argument that buyers might buy oranges (19th century cotton spinners, chimney sweeps etc) instead of apples (21st century catering and retail staff etc) is comparing apples to oranges, and false anyway since production with oranges is no longer profitable or acceptable in a society of apple consumers.


* * * * * * * * * * *​


Also, for clarity, the following got buried in quotes (my bad) above .You imputed the following argument to me :

"The hypothetical assumes a world that would not be a decent and prosperous society, so the fact that minimum wage employers could operate there shows that such businesses don't have viable business models in decent societies."

to which I replied :

"NO, I'm saying actual real world MW businesses could not operate in that world. Even if marginal burger franchises etc were (somehow) displaced by chimney sweeps etc, the defunct burger franchises would have been no less subsidised."​
 
No you haven't. You're just asserting that people would die off, which they wouldn't as shown by real-world examples (other countries without welfare, USA in 19th and early 20th century), and for some reason you are assuming that people would be in a position to demand higher pay if they were in worse financial situation, which makes absolutely no sense on any level.

No, _I_ am asserting that.
Canard is saying that even if they do not actually die, their poor health and cleanliness conditions make the acceptable labor pool shrink precipitously.

But they are connected and here's how:


In Canard's argument, today is different from the 19th century in that we now have health laws. People used to be employed (Typhoid Mary!) without adequate testing and restrictions for contagion. You cannot use 19th century business survival models today because we no longer allow people who are sick and unhygienic to work. ~unless~ are you also saying we should scrap all the health regulations!? :eek:

In my argument, by the same token, today is different from the 19th century because we no longer find it acceptable for people to die in the street (notwithstanding the truly horrible people who think it is acceptable to watch our fellow citizens die in the street). Wait, are you really arguing that the poor never died of starvation in the 19th century!? :eek: Ack! You are!
You're just asserting that people would die off, which they wouldn't as shown by real-world examples (other countries without welfare, USA in 19th and early 20th century)

From wiki (I realize this is only a rough look since it's wiki, but I wanted to add a first look here)
Social and economic conditions changed substantially in the early 19th century, especially with the market reforms of the 1830s. While overall prosperity increased, productive land became harder to come by, and was often only available for those who could afford substantial rates. It became more difficult to make a living either from public lands or a small farm without substantial capital to buy up to date technology. Sometimes small farmers were forced off their lands by economic pressure and became homeless. American society responded by opening up numerous Almshouses, and some municipal officials began giving out small sums of cash to the poor. Such measures did not fully check the rise in hunger; by 1850, life expectancy in the US had dropped [from 56 years] to 43 years, about the same as prevailed in Western Europe.[15]

Why do you think people without jobs weren't dying off in the 19th century?????
 
For Rhea to have been entirely on point here would require people's unwillingness to accept casualties to be evidence for businesses causing employee injury; i.e., it would require deriving a conclusion about a matter of fact from a value judgment.

No, it doesn't. That the value has changed over time is a matter of fact, not judgement. No amount of opinion from you or me or Rhea will change the fact that society used to accept starving homeless labourers, and no longer does so. The reason why the circumstances have changed (fact) is because social expectations and values have also changed (also fact).
Just because it's a fact that somebody values something such and such an amount doesn't stop it from being a value judgment.

No, but it does stop Rhea's argument from resting on a value judgement. Her argument rests on the fact that society demands a certain standard of living. That this is a value judgement on society's part doesn't make it any less of a fact (not value judgement) that the demand is made.

You claim (or, perhaps, you claim Rhea claims) employers (by which you presumably mean specifically those paying MW) can not make a profit without actively contributing to starvation and maimed children.

I don't think I am. Are you sure you've understood Rhea's arguement?

but it will still be a fact that does not imply the conclusion it was offered in support of.
If that's true, you should be able to demonstrate that the arguement doesn't follow. You've not attempted to do so.

I'm arguing for a disconnect between the business and employee poverty because no one has exhibited a mechanism by which the business causes employees to be poor.

Has anyone argued for one?
That's the problem. You appear to be arguing for...

In other words, no, no one has argued for one. If you can demonstrate that my argument relies on such a mechanism, we can revisit this.

...they're creating a negative externality. Do they do this via a physical mechanism, or via magic?

I argued that they were creating a negative externality by consuming labour. Businesses buy labour and use it. While they are using it, other people can't. So it's a limited resource that is no longer on the market. In return they pay money. If they pay a lot of money, then the situation creates a net positive externality. There must be a certain price below which consuming a limited resource creates a net negative externality.

Cost of employee to society = X (not starving, desperate or creating other externalities)
Cost to employee to business Y
Where Y < X, society is having to subsidise the business.

Cost of unemployed person to society = Z (not starving, desperate or creating other externalities)
Cost of employee to society = X (not starving, desperate or creating other externalities)
Cost of employee to business = Y
Cost of employment to business = Y
Cost of employment to society = X - Z.
When X < Z, regardless of Y the business is providing a positive externality to society, to the tune of (Z - X).

As you say, it's the employee creating the externalities if he doesn't receive X. Your math would only make sense if it were the business that caused the employee to exist in the first place.

My math is based on the fact that the business is claiming all of the labour of an individual, but not meeting off all his costs.
No, they aren't claiming it. You appear to be using "claim" in some sense other than its normal meaning in English;

While it is being used by employer A, it is not available for use by employer B. In order for employer B to use it, employer A must stop using it.

I don't understand the source of the confusion.

You're trying to use an arbitrary start point. Whether this is simply a stick in the sand or an attempt to smuggle a value judgement in as a fact, I can't tell, but it's still arbitrary.
No, I'm calling you on your attempt to smuggle a value judgement in as a fact. There is nothing arbitrary about the "Would output Q still happen if input P were not present?" start point.

Sure there is. You're assuming unemployment as a default state for someone actively participating in the labour market. Which means that as soon as you start considering any kind of displacement effect, whereby employment at one job reduces availability to be employed elsewhere, the argument falls apart.

But potential employees are a cost to society, and employing them at MW usually causes that cost to go down.
Only if you value the labour consumed at zero. Hence 'treating employment as charity'. Employment gains the society money and loses society his labour.

But such an economy doesn't work, because there is no other income source other than employment to meet costs. All costs to society ultimately have to be met by someone, and taken simply, that someone is always an employer or business of some kind.
And? We aren't starving; the economy keeps growing;

All that means is that MW work is a sufficiently small slice of the economy that we can afford to subsidse it.

So you're trying to argue that an employer should be able to hire people for less than the amount it takes to maintain them, on the basis that the difference between X and Z will be met by some other employer?...

My argument is that there is no point having such employers around. As a society, it's only worth having around employers who pay the Z of their employees, their cost to society. That isn't because of a moral judgement, or fine feelings, it's to stop other, more successful businesses having to support the losers who can't meet their costs.

Huh? Of course that's because of a moral judgment and feelings, and because of the metaphysical accounting principle your feelings appear to be based on. You're calling the MW employers "losers who can't pay their costs"; that's transparently based on the opinion that Z is those employers' costs rather than the employees' costs or society's costs or the Sultan of Brunei's costs for that matter. It's transparently NOT based on stopping other, more successful businesses having to pay X, since getting rid of the MW employers will cause the other businesses to have to pay Z instead of X and Z > X.

Only if the employees are not shifted to a better paying job. The minimum wage is a floor below which wages can't fall. Assuming that employees will simply become unemployed rather than getting a wage increase, as in your example, is a moral judgement on your part, not mine.

And no, my argument that businesses that pay too little is not based on the idea that the costs belong to someone - it's based on the idea that someone is going to have to pick up the tab, which means it's going to ultimately be paid by other businesses.

Moreover, your analysis takes for granted that the way MW employment keeps going and going decade after decade is by means of those employers receiving a subsidy from other more successful non-loser businesses,

No, your assumption that the alternative to paying below minimum wage is unemployment is taking that for granted. If the business isn't relying on those payments, the wage rises to the new minimum and people keep their jobs.

Note that it doesn't matter who the costs belong to, who is getting subsidised, etc. etc. It's a simple cause and effect. Minimum wage goes up. If the business doesn't vanish, then there isn't a problem. If the business does go, then it must have been relying on those payments in some way, no matter who morally owns what.

This is why you keep on trying to drag moral arguements back into it. In my arguement it doesn't matter who benefits, who is being subsidised, or who the payments are for. All that matters is that the business goes away when they stop. By contrast you have to keep on trying to argue that I'm relying on a moral judgement, so that you can drag moral judgements back in and get a more favourable result.

Interesting hypothesis. It implies that if all businesses were employing a mix of skilled workers and unskilled workers, and all businesses were paying market rate for all their employees, so the skilled workers get a decent wage and the unskilled workers get MW, then every business would be surviving on the subsidies paid to it by every other business, we'd all be prospering by taking in one another's laundry, and the universe would disappear in a puff of logic.

??? No, it implies that above minimum wage economic activity is being used to subsidise minimum wage activity. For simplicity's sake we assume two different businesses, since you're assuming a case where a business is driven out of the market by a minimum wage hike. However, there is no reason why one part of a company can't subsidise another, and many companies explicitly work on that basis.

And that's the problem with what Wallmart is doing. They displace other businesses to provide employment on a subsidised basis, relying on other businesses (via the taxpayer) to help them meet their employment costs.
Saying it over and over doesn't make it true.

No, it's your insistance that the jobs would disappear if the additional payments went away, that makes it true. If dropping the additional payments leads to a loss of the business, then the business was dependent on those payments, irrespective of who they were made to.

You haven't shown that the cost of a decent lifestyle is an "employment cost";

I don't need to. It's irrelevent to my argument. (it's also a moral arguement, which you claim to be avoiding)

you haven't shown that Walmart wouldn't be able to get workers for the same or lower price if the welfare weren't available, which is what "relying on" means;

Again, don't need to. If the welfare is made unavailable, and Walmart closes as a result, then there was a reliance on that welfare. If the minimum wage goes up and Walmart closes, there was a reliance on the lower wage. If Walmart doesn't close when a minimum wage rises and replaces a welfare payment, then what's the problem?

In the first place, the employer isn't "claiming" it. The employee is offering it for sale and the employer is amenable. You're talking as though the employer were preventing the guy from selling his labor elsewhere..

They are. Being available for work is written into the contract.
And?

And that means that working 9 to 5 at one job stops him working 9 to 5 at another. The employer is not merely amenable, he is purchasing the labour, in competition with other potential purchasers. Selling to one means not selling to another,

If somebody else offers the employee a better job he can take it. The employer's only legal recourse in the event that the employee makes himself unavailable is to sack him; and the fact that the MW employer will stop paying him is no deterrent to the guy from selling his labor elsewhere -- when he leaves he's getting a bleeding raise.

What happens if new job pays better, but no longer allows him to claim welfare, so he's actually worse off overall?

This is why minimum wage distorts the job market. Someone claiming welfare is incentivised to keep on in minmum wage employment until he can get not just a raise, but a raise over and above the welfare payment. So he gets discouraged from developing his skills in a more challenging role, and the employer gets to retain a skilled employee that would otherwise move to a better job, at below his market rate.

In the second place, you're objectifying the guy as a pure laborer with no benefit from his presence other than his labor. That's just nonsense -- we don't give people "decent safe housing, decent safe food and decent safe healthcare" only so employers can get their labor.

Their labour, and the labour of others, is all that it available to pay for it. Unless you're using magic pixies. From the point of view of the economics of the society, that's exactly why we keep them around.
Huh? We keep them around for reasons A, B, C and D; but from the point of view of a consideration that ignores A, B and C, only D is a reason to keep them around; therefore we only keep them around for reason D? That's your argument?!? Ignoring something doesn't make it go away. We keep them around for the sake of all the benefits, not just the benefits viewable from the point of view of economics.

Sure, but only the benefits from the point of view of economics are going to help pay his upkeep. Nice though it is to have people around, somehow we have to pay for him, and only his labour is going to do that.

As far as labor being all that's available to pay for it goes, where are you getting that notion?

It's a simplification of the idea that economic value comes from economic activity. Absent some kind of fixed asset, labour is the only commodity society has to trade for money. The point I'm making is that you keep trying to raise the moral question of where the costs are assigned, suggesting 'society' pay for costs, while ignoring that any cost, no matter where or how it is assigned, will ultimately be paid for via economic activity. In practice that means paid for by a business.

But there is only one source of cash here. Ultimately, you're still arguing for one business subsidising another.
You skipped a step there. This part is Step 1:

"Sure, which is why in practice we tax businesses, and spread the revenue around the whole community. But there is only one source of cash here. Ultimately, you're still arguing for one business subsidising".​

This part is Step 3:

"another.",​

just like when Step 1 is "Steal Underpants" and Step 3 is "Profit". What's Step 2? All you've got is nonlabor benefits from his presence, shared across the whole community and primarily going to the welfare recipient himself, subsidized by various businesses. Can you exhibit Step 2, where you get from there to the MW employer being the recipient of said subsidy?

I don't need the employer to be the recipient. If he draws no benefit from the subsidy, then withdrawing it in favour of a minimum wage hike won't make any difference to him. If it makes a difference, he was benefiting from it.

If the employer is claiming all their labour (the benefit of their presence) but not paying for the cost of their presence, then they are creating a negative externality.
... And in the third place, your claim of implication is a non sequitur. If somebody creates both costs and benefits, and he delivers all the costs to me and all the benefits to you, that does not constitute you creating a negative externality. That's him creating a negative externality.

Another moral argument. It doesn't matter to my arguement.

According to the inference rule you relied on, that means you're creating a negative externality.

Another moral argument. It doesn't matter to my arguement.

Or should the government perhaps just take away the thousand pounds, as partial compensation to the pedestrian, and leave it at that?

In practice, that is actually what the law does - it allows victims to sue the estate.

I've deleted a whole load of additional arguements around various moral claims. Again, if you can demonstrate that the logic of my arguement relies on these moral claims, we can revisit.

Why should my business have to pay to support your sweat shop. Why subsidise the sweat shop at all?
Why shouldn't you stop beating your wife? Your business isn't supporting my sweat shop. Your question assumes your conclusion as a premise.

No, it doesn't. Your employees receive welfare to supplement their wages. Welfare is paid for from tax money. My business pays tax money, ergo, my business is supporting your employees. If you gain a benefit from this, I am paying for your business. If you gain no benefit from this, then nothing bad will happen if we remove the welfare payments and raise their wages instead.

Which bit are you disputing?

You are starting from a moral judgment that employers should pay employees enough not to need welfare,

It's not a moral judgement, it's a brute fact. Society demands that employees receive X, from whatever source. It's not my moral judgement, or yours, it's a brute fact. If your business doesn't pay it, mine will have to. What we think about the morality of the situation is utterly irrelevent.

Let's analyze the principle itself. A business must meet whatever costs the government assigns to it; we have a society and "it has labour" that's sold, which is to say, we're democracies and our respective voters have voted to make our respective governments the de facto part-owners of all our individual labor; our legislatures currently choose to sell the labor jointly owned by the government and its subjects for no less than minimum wage; but if our legislatures instead choose to put your principle into effect and take up refusing to sell the labor they have for less than the cost of maintaining the employee,

No, no no, you're still trying to make a practical arguement into a moral one. It's nothing to do with arbitrarily deciding where costs should lie, it's nothing about where the costs lie at all. It's about the brute fact that costs have to be paid. Look, let's blame the moon, ok? Everything is the fault of the moon, not the employers, not the employees, not society, the moon. Even with all moral responsbility safely in orbit, it's still the fact that we have two businesses, one of which pays for the costs of 100 people and employs 50, and one of which pays for the costs of 50 people and employs 100. Which one do we want more of, and which do we want less of?

Note the absence of any moral arguements whatsoever. Nothing about who should pay what cost, whose burdens belong to whom, or who is responsible. We still have a problem if we have too many of the second kind of business.

For example, a burger flipper might have dialysis on Monday, Wednesday and Friday so he's only available for work on Tuesday and Thursday. All of the labor he has to give, that his employer according to your argument is "claiming all of", is therefore 16 hours a week. A business that consumes all of a person's labour must meet all of their costs, according to your not complicated principle;

For it not to be a subsidy, yes. Generally we subsidise people who are sick. The problem, again, is that you are trying to turn a practical point into a moral imperative. People with kidney failure may end up being a net drain on the economy. If everyone has kidney failure simultaneously, we go bankrupt. In practice, we subsidise people who are sick, and pay for that with a net transfer away from areas of economic activity that turn a net profit. The point about businesses who pay their workers less than they cost to maintain is that they are in a situation that is only sustainable by transferring money from those areas of economic activity where workers are paid more. It is below the break-even point. As a society, we need to see about replacing these businesses with those that are more profitable where we can.

This really isn't that complicated. You have a society. It has costs, set at a minimum per person by that society. And it has labour. The labour is sold to meet the costs. If business A does not pay enough for the labour to meet the costs, then that cost has to be met by another business. There's lots of intermediate steps, but that's what it boils down to.
But the labour isn't sold to meet the costs.

Why does that matter? It pays for the costs anyway.

So why on earth would a society want to charge businesses that do meet these costs to pay for the gap left by those that don't?
You keep assuming your conclusion as a premise. The gap wasn't left by the MW employer -- there'd be an even bigger gap without her. The gap was there to begin with and the MW employer filled part of it.

Ok, so why would a society want to charge businesses to pay for an inadequate solution? If you break a window and replace it with cardboard to keep the wind out, you're filling an existing hole with cardboard, and making a situation better. But you're still going to want to replace that cardboard with glass at the earliest opportunity.

Those assertions are your entire case.

They're not even relevent to my case.

You are arguing for a policy that it appears will increase the cost the other businesses have to bear;

Disagree.

you're trying to justify that policy by accusing those who don't already follow it of being leeches;

Nope. That's merely commentary. I'm happy to point out that they are leeches, but their desirability or not is not based on leechdom. It's based on the fact that they require a net transfer of cash from others to keep going.

I put a fairly detailed account of ATown and Btown in a recent post - why not have a look at that and see if that helps you understand the argument?
 
Unless the subsidy is conditional on employment, the employer is not a middle man in the transaction.

Oh. Did you not know this was a truth in America? We've been talking about it all through this thread. It's law in many states and it's pushed in many others.

See, the conservatives push this thing called "welfare reform" which also goes by the name "workfare" in which you are forced to look for a job and take any job offered to you in order to get welfare benefits. because (turn off your irony meter before you read this part...) if you aren't out there working, you're A MOOCHER!

So being needy forces you to takes jobs at places that are exploiting your neediness and exploiting the government (that's the rest of us taxpayers plus all the other non-moocher companies) to get extra profits by offering a job that has to be accepted, but not paying enough to live on and expecting the rest of the people to pad the profits by supporting your workers.
Did you read your own link?
your link said:
The current controversy springs from the Obama Administration’s plan to waive all of Section 407, which establishes a workfare system with three core elements:
Around 30 percent to 40 percent of the “work-eligible” adult TANF caseload is required to engage in work activities.
Work activities are defined very broadly and include unsubsidized employment; subsidized employment; on-the-job training; up to 12 months of vocational education; community service work; job search (for up to six weeks) and job readiness training; high school or GED education for recipients under age 20; and high school or GED education for those 20 or over 20 if combined with other listed activities.
Individuals are required to engage in activities for 20 hours per week if a parent has a child under age six in the home and for 30 hours per week if all children are over six.
...
The Leniency of TANF Work Requirements
The TANF work participation standards are quite lenient. For example, in March 2011, 1.9 million families were receiving TANF cash benefits. As Chart 1 shows, some 42 percent were headed by adults who themselves did not receive TANF benefits and were therefore exempt from federal work requirements. These families are most commonly headed by the child’s grandmother or aunt. In other cases, the adult may have been a disabled Social Security recipient or a legal or illegal immigrant parent who does not personally receive TANF aid.

The remaining 58 percent of TANF families contained one or more work-eligible adults. However, half of these work-eligible adults were completely idle. They performed no “work activity” at all, either activities that are “countable” under federal law or those that are not. As Chart 1 shows, cases with work-eligible adult recipients who were completely idle represented roughly one-third of the total caseload. These individuals received a welfare check while sitting at home doing nothing.

Another 14 percent of TANF families had a work-eligible adult who performed some activity that did not fully meet the federal standards because the number of hours of activity was insufficient or the activity was not included in the federal standards. A final 14 percent of cases (31 percent of work-eligible adults) performed enough work activity to meet federal standards.
So no, being needy does not force you to work at an exploitative for-profit company that doesn't pay enough to live on. You have several other options, including: looking for a good job, getting training, volunteering at a non-profit, or being one of the one third who do nothing constructive.

"Get your facts first, then you can distort them as you please." - Mark Twain

Speaking of which...
... for as long as we agree that letting people die in the street is wrong. Acknowledging that some people do not think that is wrong and believe that when people are not able to pull in a living wage it is their own fault and they - and their children - deserve the consequences. (videotaped example: the people who shouted "let them die!" at the GOP debate when the question of what to do with uninsured sick people came up.)

It's been relevant all through this, "because we live in a world where we care that people don't die in the street; with the obvious caveat that some really disturbing people (audience at GOP debate) do not actually care about people dying in the street."
Funny how stories grow in the telling, especially when alterations to what actually happened better serve somebody's desired narrative. Wolf Blitzer asked Ron Paul whether we should let die specifically a hypothetical guy who was able to pull in a "living wage", and chose to take a chance and not buy health insurance even though he could afford it. And in the large audience, a few people shouted "Yeah!". The endlessly repeated legend of a GOP audience as a whole shouting "Let them die!" about people too poor to buy health insurance never happened.
 
It's been relevant all through this, "because we live in a world where we care that people don't die in the street; with the obvious caveat that some really disturbing people (audience at GOP debate) do not actually care about people dying in the street."
Funny how stories grow in the telling, especially when alterations to what actually happened better serve somebody's desired narrative.

It certainly is!

This is what Rhea actually said (click on the name link to get back to the actual post):
... for as long as we agree that letting people die in the street is wrong. Acknowledging that some people do not think that is wrong and believe that when people are not able to pull in a living wage it is their own fault and they - and their children - deserve the consequences. (videotaped example: the people who shouted "let them die!" at the GOP debate when the question of what to do with uninsured sick people came up.)

And this is your retelling:
The endlessly repeated legend of a GOP audience as a whole shouting "Let them die!" about people too poor to buy health insurance never happened.

You'll notice that in your retelling you've greatly expanded the original claim, so as to fit in with your desired narrative (to imply that Rhea was repeating a false story).

Makes you think, huh?
 
Thank you, Togo. Your comments have been very clear and helpful in making plain the real equations.

And yes, I made clear that it was some people at the debate (sounded like only a handful) and I made that clear. Although, one needs to wonder about the GOP reaction to that event. Did it make them change policy? Did it adjust a plank in their party platform? Nope. Not one iota. And they have spent the last severalo years trying to enact exactly the think that lets people die. 45 votes to repeal now?
 
It's been relevant all through this, "because we live in a world where we care that people don't die in the street; with the obvious caveat that some really disturbing people (audience at GOP debate) do not actually care about people dying in the street."
Funny how stories grow in the telling, especially when alterations to what actually happened better serve somebody's desired narrative.

It certainly is!

This is what Rhea actually said (click on the name link to get back to the actual post):
... for as long as we agree that letting people die in the street is wrong. Acknowledging that some people do not think that is wrong and believe that when people are not able to pull in a living wage it is their own fault and they - and their children - deserve the consequences. (videotaped example: the people who shouted "let them die!" at the GOP debate when the question of what to do with uninsured sick people came up.)
Um, you do know what Rhea actually said was actually in more than one "the actual post", don't you? This is what else Rhea actually said:
It's been relevant all through this, "because we live in a world where we care that people don't die in the street; with the obvious caveat that some really disturbing people (audience at GOP debate) do not actually care about people dying in the street."
The fact that her falsehoods in the first post didn't include one of the falsehoods in the typical myth doesn't make her blameless for propagating that falsehood in the second post.

And this is your retelling:
The endlessly repeated legend of a GOP audience as a whole shouting "Let them die!" about people too poor to buy health insurance never happened.

You'll notice that in your retelling you've greatly expanded the original claim, so as to fit in with your desired narrative (to imply that Rhea was repeating a false story).
It's not a retelling of Rhea's claim. Rhea's claim was not the original claim -- she evidently got her impression of what happened from the popular myth since she obviously can't have gotten it from an accurate news report. What I'm retelling is that myth. And of course Rhea was repeating a false story. Which embellishment from the common mythology did she not repeat?

Imputing a few individuals' attitude to the mass? "some really disturbing people (audience at GOP debate) do not actually care". Check.

Misquoting the shouters? "the people who shouted "let them die!" at the GOP debate". Check.

Accusing the shouters of thinking people deserve to die for being poor? "when people are not able to pull in a living wage it is their own fault and they - and their children - deserve the consequences. (videotaped example". Check.

Claiming Blitzer's question was about the uninsured in general rather than specifically somebody whose lack of health insurance was self-inflicted? "when the question of what to do with uninsured sick people came up." Check.
 
Um, you do know what Rhea actually said was actually in more than one "the actual post", don't you? This is what else Rhea actually said:
It's been relevant all through this, "because we live in a world where we care that people don't die in the street; with the obvious caveat that some really disturbing people (audience at GOP debate) do not actually care about people dying in the street."
The fact that her falsehoods in the first post didn't include one of the falsehoods in the typical myth doesn't make her blameless for propagating that falsehood in the second post.

Yo. Shorthand. In the first post I made clear it was part of the audience, in the subsequent post I used shorthand to describe in the audience. I thought people could keep up. I was wrong, sorry.


It's not a retelling of Rhea's claim. Rhea's claim was not the original claim -- she evidently got her impression of what happened from the popular myth since she obviously can't have gotten it from an accurate news report.
I got it from watching the debate live. It was disgusting. Even Ron Paul thought it was disgusting and couldn't answer the question. The rest of the audience sat there without calling out the shouter, some clapped.



What I'm retelling is that myth. And of course Rhea was repeating a false story. Which embellishment from the common mythology did she not repeat?

Imputing a few individuals' attitude to the mass? "some really disturbing people (audience at GOP debate) do not actually care". Check.

Never said anything about a mass. "some". Didn't even say many or most. Just some. There was the one who shouted, the ones who clapped, the ones who later commented on news stories and the ones who never condemned the comment.

Misquoting the shouters? "the people who shouted "let them die!" at the GOP debate". Check.
You can watch the video, I expect.
Accusing the shouters of thinking people deserve to die for being poor? "when people are not able to pull in a living wage it is their own fault and they - and their children - deserve the consequences. (videotaped example". Check.
I don't see how you've shown this is not true.
Claiming Blitzer's question was about the uninsured in general rather than specifically somebody whose lack of health insurance was self-inflicted? "when the question of what to do with uninsured sick people came up." Check.
I would call this splitting hairs, but I was equally disgusted by all of the people who made public comments about this.

Here's the fact, I said that we as a society agree that we should not let people die in the street, notwithstanding some people who actually claim it is okay.
This is fact, in both clauses. We, in general, as a whole, agree that letting people die is wrong. Some people, a few, such a small percentage as to be referred to as "notwithstanding" and few enough to be considered outrageous, disagree and think it is okay to let people die in the streets.

I see that you have shown my statement to be true. Thanx.
 
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PepQF7G-It0

here's the debate. Blitzer is describing it. The man didn't buy insurance and right now needs care that he cannot afford. That's the scenario.

The audience hears Ron paul say, "he has to accept his own risks," the audience cheers - many people cheer.
Blitzer presses, "you mean we should just let him die?"
Paul prevaricates, at least three voices in the audience "yes!" "yes" "Let him die!"
Paul prevaricates now.

So what did he mean by "he has to accept his own risks," that he won't follow up with, Yes, we should let him die?

But at any rate, there's your "Media Myth." I stand by everything I said, except the ambiguity of "from audience" when I should have made sure to repeat the word "some" in from some of the audience as I had done in my first post.
 
You'll notice that in your retelling you've greatly expanded the original claim, so as to fit in with your desired narrative (to imply that Rhea was repeating a false story).
It's not a retelling of Rhea's claim. Rhea's claim was not the original claim -- she evidently got her impression of what happened from the popular myth since she obviously can't have gotten it from an accurate news report. What I'm retelling is that myth. And of course Rhea was repeating a false story. Which embellishment from the common mythology did she not repeat?

I wouldn't know. This is the first time I've heard of it.

Being totally unfamiliar with the common mythology/documented facts of the GOP debate, I had no trouble following the idea that (audiance at GOP debate) was a reference to her previous post.

You seemed to feel differently, but now that we're all clear about Rhea meant, I don't see what the problem is. But then I didn't see why you were focusing on 'moral claims' earlier either.

Maybe you can help me out. Leaving aside claims about Rhea, myself, or people opposed to your view in general, and leaving aside arguements based on who should be responsible for what (aka moral claims), do you have anything to say on the points I've advanced about the minimum wage? I had a fairly concrete worked example of Atown and Btown, which has not been addressed at all...
 
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