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Minimum Wage Study - MW Does Not Kill Jobs

. . . a long list of cities and states enacted minimum wage increases of unprecedented size. Between 2014 and 2022, California increased its minimum wage by 56 percent in inflation-adjusted terms. Over a similar time period, New York raised its wage floor by 72 percent.

Permanent double digit unemployment did not ensue.
"permanent double-digit unemployment"? There's no way to measure the exact number of jobs eliminated, or the total production disrupted and consumers screwed. Just as the total damage from slavery or from crime or from WW2 cannot be precisely measured (or from one accident on a slippery road).

What did ensue was worse than if instead the workers and employers had been left free to set their own terms rather than have to submit to this outside interference in their choices. There's no evidence that this outside interference into private decision-making creates a net social benefit. The interference necessarily increases the cost of production, thus reducing the production and the overall living standard which depends on maximum efficient performance by producers.

That some of those adversely affected make exaggerated predictions about the inevitable damage resulting from it does not prove that there is no net damage inflicted. If the interference is major, then possibly major damage is inflicted onto the production. But even if the interference is phased in slowly, or in small doses, each infliction of interference into the private choices of the producers/sellers/buyers inflicts a little more damage each time.


Crybaby wage-earners need government babysitting service
(like MW law etc.).


No one has ever made a case for singling out labor cost for special treatment as the only cost of business which must be set by government, as having some special status different than all the other costs of business. All such outside interference, disrupting the decision-making and performance by producers can only reduce the total production getting done = lower output and supply = higher prices to all consumers. The point of the production is to serve the consumers, not provide incomes to someone put into job slots to keep them out of mischief. The purpose of them being there is to get the maximum production/output value from them, for society, not as a place to care for them and babysit them, which is the premise of MW law.

Businesses are also served by independent contractors and other companies offering services, meaning much hard work by others not covered by the babysitting labor laws for wage-earners only. No one has shown what extra social need is served by singling out the wage-earners for this special treatment and status, separate from all other producers, such that they alone must have government interfere to lead them by the hand and make the choices for them which all other producers are grown up enough to make for themselves.

If you could show how this babysitting service does provide a net social benefit, then maybe it's legitimate. But the overall effect is to reduce the total production, which means net damage to all society = all consumers, while the only ones benefiting are the select wage-earners whose wage income increase is higher than the higher cost they must pay as consumers. To everyone else it is a net loss, including to many/most wage-earners who don't get a net higher wage income as a result.


In fact, not only did these historically large minimum wage hikes fail to put all fast food workers out of job, but a new study indicates that they actually induced job growth.
The "new study" is just further Left-wing ideology-based propaganda rather than any objective facts. But it does reflect the worship of "jobs! jobs! jobs!" as needed babysitting slots for excess job-seekers rather than as something needed in the production process to benefit consumers.
 
Time and time again, conservative politicians and their pet charlatan economists have shrieked and howled raising minimum wages would create mass unemployment, los of small businesses and locust plagues etc. But states, and local governments have raised minimum wages.

And the promised unemployment apocalypse has never occured as loudly squealed about from these morons. That is all.
 
It makes no sense to argue that it's OK for the harm to be done as long as it's too small to be measured, which is the argument for minimum wage.
If there is a measurable benefit and no measurable harm... we should not do it.


I would be interested to see how you live out your daily life as a result of this strange philosophy of yours. It must be miserable!
The basic problem is that measuring the harm is hard because there's so much noise. It doesn't mean the harm is small.
Actually, it sorta does mean it’s small because large effects in economics are noticeable. And, of course, if there is too much noise, it doesn’t mean the harm is large.
The problem is not that the overall harm is large, but that the harm to certain individuals can be large.

Minimum wage is below 1% of the population, but unemployment measures the whole population. Thus you need more than 10% of the minimum wage workers to become unemployed to even get measured at all, let alone get above the noise threshold. While my statistics is far too rusty to figure out the threshold I would think that even 20% can't be detected--but would 20% of minimum wage workers becoming unemployed not be a large effect?
 
Realistically, this means the noise floor is approximately half of minimum wage workers losing their job.
As you point out, actual workers earning exactly minimum wage are a nearly negligible component of the workforce. Half of them losing their jobs is pretty much a nothingburger. Now, if you start looking at people making 1.1 to 1.5x minimum wage, you’ll be including a lot more people, and real life experience tells us nowhere near half of them lose their jobs, even when a minimum wage increase means they will necessarily get a raise if they are retained.
IMO your whole post is an erroneous extrapolation from cherry-picked data. People making EXACTLY minimum wage are not representative of much.
It's not a nothingburger to people in such jobs!

And people in the 1.1 to 1.5 range are only relevant if you have a big change to minimum wage. Most changes to minimum wage have been small. The one big one from the past we can study caused widespread unemployment.
I also believe that people employing the 0.5% of whom you speak, are making bank on the backs of those workers.
And herein lies the true motive--punishment. Oops--minimum wage tends to be the small companies.
 
Time and time again, conservative politicians and their pet charlatan economists have shrieked and howled raising minimum wages would create mass unemployment, los of small businesses and locust plagues etc. But states, and local governments have raised minimum wages.

And the promised unemployment apocalypse has never occured as loudly squealed about from these morons. That is all.
Because the politicians have normally had sense and kept the increases small enough not to cause big problems. The one example we have where that didn't happen (caused by minimum wage applying to the jobs rather than by raising the minimum wage) caused big problems.
 
And people in the 1.1 to 1.5 range are only relevant if you have a big change to minimum wage.
Like the 52% - 73% referenced above? You know - the ones you complain about? The ones that did NOT cost the jobs that conservos flatly stated would be “lost”?
And herein lies the true motive--punishment.
Bullshit.
Oh, it would be nice to let everyone who wants to be an oligarch be an oligarch - I don’t mean to “punish” them, just maybe take a small fraction of a percent of existing oligarchs’ excess riches to provide subsistence to the less greedy.
 
If we can give the millions of Americans receiving Social Security an annual cost-of-living adjustment without resulting in runaway inflation, then we can do the same for the tiny fraction of people earning minimum wage. And then never have to argue over when and how much Minimum Wage should be increased again.

Just index MW to inflation and be done with it.
 
I don't see how you are addressing my point at all.
If increasing a wage results in less hours instead of fewer jobs, then an increase in the minimum wage does not cause a job loss. And if the reduction in hours is relatively smaller than the wage increase, income earned rises ( for example, if wages go up by 5% while hours worked falls by 3%, income earned rises by 2%),

Static demand and supply analysis indicates a reduction in the use of labor when wages increase. The amount of the reduction in the static case depends on the responsiveness of demand for labor and the supply of labor to wages. Typically, neither is very responsive ( the technical term is inelastic ) in the short run which is why I suspect it is rare to find a noticeable result. Over longer periods of time, neither demand or supply remains unchanged which makes teasing out the sole effect even more difficult.

To summarize, there is no theoretical reason in economics for a change in the minimum wage to necessarily affect the number of jobs that are available. There is also no theoretical reason that an increase in a wage necessarily causes a reduction in earned income.

Empirically, this means the effects of an increase in the minimum wage will depend on the specific conditions of the targeted labor market. It also suggests that there is a lack of empirical justification for the claim that an increase in the minimum wage causes job loss may be due to technical difficulties in teasing out the effect, but it also suggests any negative effect is likely to be small.
 
Static demand and supply analysis indicates a reduction in the use of labor when wages increase. The amount of the reduction in the static case depends on the responsiveness of demand for labor and the supply of labor to wages. Typically, neither is very responsive ( the technical term is inelastic ) in the short run which is why I suspect it is rare to find a noticeable result. Over longer periods of time, neither demand or supply remains unchanged which makes teasing out the sole effect even more difficult.
Never mind "longer periods of time"; In any situation where some disposable incomes increase (higher wage) and others decrease (reduced hours and/or job losses), demand certainly changes, and the total size of the economy likely also changes.

The instant you change minimum wage, you also necessarily change supply and/or demand.

The overall effect is impossible to ascertain by a simplistic calculation based on the false assumption that neither demand nor the total size of the economy has varied.

And we haven't even considered that productivity will likely also change. If a team of ten staff is reduced to nine, those nine will likely still get the same work done, at least for a time. Equally, it might be harder to get the same work done if an eleventh employee is hired, as the new guy needs training and may generate additional work fixing their errors while they're learning. Productivity is VERY elastic. And most workplaces have some slack "built in" to allow for unexpected increases in demand, or unexpected employee absences, or both.

The real world isn't simple, and a simplistic analysis of it by simpletons is rarely useful.

Increasing minimum wage could easily lead to increased employment, rather than the reduced employment that a crude analysis suggests. It's dependent on the starting conditions and the magnitude of the increase, and the likelihood is that the direction, as well as the magnitude, of any changes will vary from one location to another.
 
I don't see how you are addressing my point at all.
If increasing a wage results in less hours instead of fewer jobs, then an increase in the minimum wage does not cause a job loss. And if the reduction in hours is relatively smaller than the wage increase, income earned rises ( for example, if wages go up by 5% while hours worked falls by 3%, income earned rises by 2%),
But you are assuming things not in evidence and unrelated to my point, anyway. I'm saying we don't know because they are going on data that can't show anything other than huge effects.

Proving that minimum wage increases don't impact employment is akin to the BMJ study that showed no protective benefit from jumping from a plane with a parachute.

Static demand and supply analysis indicates a reduction in the use of labor when wages increase. The amount of the reduction in the static case depends on the responsiveness of demand for labor and the supply of labor to wages. Typically, neither is very responsive ( the technical term is inelastic ) in the short run which is why I suspect it is rare to find a noticeable result. Over longer periods of time, neither demand or supply remains unchanged which makes teasing out the sole effect even more difficult.

To summarize, there is no theoretical reason in economics for a change in the minimum wage to necessarily affect the number of jobs that are available. There is also no theoretical reason that an increase in a wage necessarily causes a reduction in earned income.

Empirically, this means the effects of an increase in the minimum wage will depend on the specific conditions of the targeted labor market. It also suggests that there is a lack of empirical justification for the claim that an increase in the minimum wage causes job loss may be due to technical difficulties in teasing out the effect, but it also suggests any negative effect is likely to be small.
The problem here is that "small" is measured against overall unemployment, not minimum wage unemployment. The minimum wage was explicitly created to chop the bottom rungs off the employment ladder and it's still doing it's intended purpose.
 
I don't see how you are addressing my point at all.
If increasing a wage results in less hours instead of fewer jobs, then an increase in the minimum wage does not cause a job loss. And if the reduction in hours is relatively smaller than the wage increase, income earned rises ( for example, if wages go up by 5% while hours worked falls by 3%, income earned rises by 2%),
But you are assuming things not in evidence and unrelated to my point, anyway. I'm saying we don't know because they are going on data that can't show anything other than huge effects.

Proving that minimum wage increases don't impact employment is akin to the BMJ study that showed no protective benefit from jumping from a plane with a parachute.
Wrong on all charges. Your response is proof of the triumph of ideologically ignorance over reason and facts.
Static demand and supply analysis indicates a reduction in the use of labor when wages increase. The amount of the reduction in the static case depends on the responsiveness of demand for labor and the supply of labor to wages. Typically, neither is very responsive ( the technical term is inelastic ) in the short run which is why I suspect it is rare to find a noticeable result. Over longer periods of time, neither demand or supply remains unchanged which makes teasing out the sole effect even more difficult.

To summarize, there is no theoretical reason in economics for a change in the minimum wage to necessarily affect the number of jobs that are available. There is also no theoretical reason that an increase in a wage necessarily causes a reduction in earned income.

Empirically, this means the effects of an increase in the minimum wage will depend on the specific conditions of the targeted labor market. It also suggests that there is a lack of empirical justification for the claim that an increase in the minimum wage causes job loss may be due to technical difficulties in teasing out the effect, but it also suggests any negative effect is likely to be small.
Loren Pechtel said:
The problem here is that "small" is measured against overall unemployment, not minimum wage unemployment. The minimum wage was explicitly created to chop the bottom rungs off the employment ladder and it's still doing it's intended purpose.
Nonsense. Provide evidence for your hand waved assertions.
 
The minimum wage was explicitly created to chop the bottom rungs off the employment ladder
Not around here it wasn't

Thirty years before the inception of a minimum wage in the US, the 1907 Harvester judgement in Australia established as a principle of Australian Commonwealth Law that a working man should be paid a wage sufficient to support both himself and his wife and children.

As the National Museum of Australia website comments:

The decision was a landmark case because, for the first time, employers were challenged to formulate wages on the basic needs of their employees rather than being solely concerned with the company’s profits
 
The empirical effect of MW is net harm to all,
even when the direct empirical data is unavailable.


A raise in the minimum wage should reduce the amount of labor assuming all other influences on the demand and supply of labor remain unchanged.
This is a legitimate premise for all judgments about whether something works, or what its value or harm is. In all cases the premise "all else being equal" is assumed. That's a legitimate premise even though we can't ever measure the "all else" or know that it's "equal" -- we can draw the conclusion based on reasoning which goes beyond only the empirical data we have. Otherwise we could never predict how anything might work, or judge the value of something, or benefit or harm it does.


Empirical work is usually unable to control or adjust for all those changes.
But whatever empirical data exists is always relevant, or helpful. We have to consider all of it that's available, but we have to recognize the limits of it. Example: A thief has impeccable empirical proof that his crimes have produced benefit, which he has experienced = empirical data -- plus no empirical data of any harm from his crimes (in some cases there's no such data anyone has). So in this case the empirical data proves that his behavior is good for society? No, we can reason that there are more particular facts, even if not recorded or published, which offset that limited data. This is the case with MW, for which there is easy empirical data about certain favored interests who benefit, but also lack of data about those harmed.


Moreover, if an increase in the minimum wage reduces hours worked instead of employees, there would be no observed effect on unemployment/jobs.
But the effect in that case is REDUCED PRODUCTION = less supply of needed products which would be worth the cost = higher prices and lower living standard overall. The reduced production, or lower GDP, is a negative net effect of minimum wage law.
 
Again?

Google shows me 1.4% of workers are at or below minimum wage. Last I looked 2/3 of those were below minimum wage--which means they're tipped employees very often making well above minimum wage. So let's call it .5% are working for minimum wage. Unemployment is reported to .1% and that last digit is very shaky.

Realistically, this means the noise floor is approximately half of minimum wage workers losing their job.

This is a case where (like most) you can't prove the negative, only show that you can't detect the effect--but this is a case where you can't expect to detect an effect. Anyone who does this "research" isn't interested in the truth or they wouldn't have set out to measure something they obviously can't.
I don't recall the claim being a minimum wage hike would increase unemployment but not above background noise level.
That is the conclusion to draw from MW "studies" which claim there are no job losses. They mean no increased unemployment on a level high enough to be measured significantly, or high enough to draw attention, or precise enough to identify the exact victims of it. Virtually all such "studies" recognize some level of job losses, but these are judged as not significant or noteworthy, or especially not provable in individual cases, such as provable higher incomes to certain favored wage-earners in the group who gain an immediate instant-gratification wage increase.
 
"You can't detect it, but it's really happening" is a bad argument for ghosts, a bad argument for Gods, and a bad argument for psychic powers.

But apparently it's a good argument for not raising minimum wage in case it causes unemployment.
"detect" = measured, identified as an empirical fact, or observed and noted down by the researcher

There are literally millions of events which we know to be good or bad, though they're not empirically observed -- "detected" -- as verifiably connected to the particular cause. And we have to make judgments and decisions about promoting the good events and preventing the bad ones.

What about the damage done to all consumers by shoplifters. How do we DETECT which consumers had to pay higher prices, or how much higher, as a result of the costs resulting from shoplifters? Probably every item you buy had a slightly higher price you had to pay because of the past losses caused by shoplifters. Maybe that higher price can be estimated in some cases, but there is no empirical data to really determine how much higher the price was due to this one isolated factor. The estimate is only a guess, probably off by a significant percentage. We cannot prove it with actual data showing how much lower the price would have been had there not been the losses due to shoplifting.

How do we "detect" climate change damage? The damage done by climate change and various kinds of pollution usually cannot be measured empirically to show how much was caused by each harmful substance, or which victims suffered what harm. Even if the measurements today are improved enough, with additional data now available so some of the harm is measurable, this modern data was not available 30 or 40 or 50 years ago when it was known by climate scientists that the harm was happening or was forthcoming. The additional data over time is a luxury added to earlier information and math which underlay the earlier predictions. But even today it's debatable that this or that flood was really caused by climate change and wouldn't have happened anyway. There's some evidence, but seldom the hard empirical data to show that it would not have happened except for this change in the amount of carbon emissions.

Almost any cost of production can be challenged as being a cause of higher price. Higher cost for safety, for insurance, restructuring, compliance with regulations, downsizing or expanding, training, relocating, etc. -- in every case it can be argued that the company ABSORBS this cost without raising its price, because it has to, as part of its competition with other companies, and so there's no harm in imposing higher costs onto companies, as long as someone thinks there might be some benefit from it. Every economist and businessperson knows this is not true, and that every additional cost translates into higher price at some point, but they cannot prove it with empirical data showing how prices inevitably increased in step with the higher costs in each case. Even when a higher price happens later, there's no way to prove empirically what caused that particular price increase.

Some protectionist boneheads like to argue that when Nike Shoes relocated to Asia, there was no price reduction as a result, and that this relocation actually led to INCREASES in the price of Nike shoes. This one isolated case -- cited obsessively by the boneheads (because they have no other examples?) -- might have deviated somewhat from the norm, but there are obviously hundreds or even thousands of factors driving the price up or down, so just because there is an exception here or there to the general rule in no way undermines the principle that lower production cost leads to lower price. I.e., lower price than would have been otherwise -- "ALL ELSE BEING EQUAL" as they say.

These are legitimate judgments about what causes higher costs and thus harm to the overall economy.

Many examples from history demonstrate the same truth, about harm caused, even if the empirical data cannot pinpoint the exact cause.

E.g., it is agreed by virtually all historians and economists that Spain did severe economic damage to its future well-being when it expelled Jews and Muslims in 1492. There's no doubt of this, just in terms of the country's future economy alone. And yet any empirical data shows only an increase in Spain's prosperity in the following 100 years, when it became the most prosperous European economy. The available empirical data only indicates a good rather than bad outcome. It's only theory, based on some good reasoning, and centuries of experiencing good and bad economics, trade, capitalism, investment, risk-taking -- which tells us this was a loss for Spain rather than a benefit.


Prohibition, Black Market

Minimum wage law is not something positive, but is a prohibition against production. I.e., against certain kinds of production, making it illegal for that work to be done. Just as there is pressure in society to produce alcoholic beverages, or do other things people want, there also is pressure to get work done while keeping the cost down. When anything desired is suppressed or prohibited, there is a loss of it, or reduction in the amount of it that happens, even though a "Black Market" emerges which causes much trouble and conflict, and even fanfare. The desired activity which is suppressed does decrease and is a loss for those who wanted it. (Prohibition in the U.S. did result in less alcohol consumption, along with increased crime, etc.) https://www.google.com/search?q=Pro...57j33i160.21236j0j15&sourceid=chrome&ie=UTF-8

If it's destructive crime, it may need to be suppressed, but how is lower cost of labor a crime which causes destruction? The result of it is MORE PRODUCTION taking place, not destruction. Usually the particular workers in question are being made better off, because they made that choice and they are the best judge of what makes them better off. And all others also are made better off, because of the increased profitable production and lower-cost products desired by consumers.

The damage done by suppressing production is obviously real, even though we cannot prove with empirical facts how much the consumers are losing, or how much harm is done to those producers being suppressed. We can't empirically measure the production which was suppressed, or the production which would have happened if those particular producers had not been suppressed and their individual choices overruled by the outside forces impinging onto them.

We cannot empirically identify the numbers of marginal workers priced out of the market, denied a job they would have taken in preference to no job at all. That which was suppressed and blotted out from ever happening can never be empirically measured and compared to the results gained by those who suppressed them -- just as we cannot measure the Gross Output which would have been produced by those individual Jews and Muslims expelled by Spain. When it's prohibited and suppressed and vanquished from having ever happened, all the empirical data is wiped out forever, and all we can "detect" is whatever else happened without being suppressed by the violent powers imposing their version of reality onto whatever hapless victims got in their way.
 
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Individual free choice -> best social outcome for all

The fundamental problem with the accusation that raising minimum wage causes unemployment, is the fact that wages are a part of the cost of employment.
Whatever that means, this cost is determined by whoever pays it or is paid, not by anyone outside the transaction. The real cost of employment and the real wage is known to those who pay this and those being paid. No one else outside this relationship of buyer to seller has any proper role in determining what is the appropriate amount, or the appropriate cost and wage to be paid, and putting anyone else in authority to dictate the terms results in overall net loss to society, distorting the production to be done and making everyone worse off.


A notable one, but it is still just a part. If a company is selling a service, the cost of employment is a part of the cost of the service. So wages are a fraction of a fraction on the cost of production.
This gives no enlightenment until it relates to the issue of who makes the decision, or who decides what the cost is to be paid, or what the wage level is to be. Why should anyone other than the individual employer and individual worker have any role in this decision? regardless how you define the "cost" and the "wage"?


It isn't insignificant, but it isn't 1 to 1 either. Increasing minimum wage likely increases the cost of production, but not by as much as feared.
Every increment of higher cost -- all other factors remaining equal -- is increased damage to consumers. You cannot increase the damage to society, even by a small fraction, without explaining what is the benefit of it, or showing an offsetting benefit of equal amount. When all those increments are added up, it is a net significant cost inflicted which you cannot impose if you have no explanation what benefit is served. If the total benefit to some workers is offset by equal or greater cost inflicted onto consumers, that's showing net detriment caused by MW. -- "not by as much as" is still too much, if it's a net harm or cost inflicted, unless there's some transcendent cost or benefit entering through some kind of wormhole out of another Dimension somewhere.


Additionally, all the costs involved in employment (FICA, insurance, health insurance, management, reliability to show up), not merely wages, helps push companies to want to automate.
There need be no bias for or against additional automation. This happens if and when it improves the overall performance, meaning always highest-quality production possible, long-term, at lowest cost. And individual employer and worker are the only ones capable of judging the quality and value and whether the cost is worth paying.



And finally, we need to stop pretending $15 an hour is a lot of money.
"a lot" is subjective. No one can dictate that it's "a lot" or "not enough" etc. to anyone else. If it's "a lot" to this one but "not enough" to that one, each one makes his or her individual decision according to their individual perception. So in some cases the deal is struck and the work gets done, while in other cases the terms are not agreed to and the work is "not worth it" and goes undone. That's the best way for the decision to be made, for the overall benefit of all the society.



You try living off $15 an hour (gross) at 32 hours a week.
There are millions who would choose that as the "best of all possible worlds" while others might choose rather to jump from a 10-story window in horror at such a prospect. Each individual has to make his/her choice -- no one imposing their perception onto others.


People are so in-tuned to their own history, you get people who are 50+ years old thinking, $15 is a lot. Yeah... in 1990 it was. Now $15 doesn't buy you one month of Netflix at 4K. Cars cost $25k to $30k today. Houses $200k is cheap for a new home. $15 an hour doesn't get you far at all.
Bummer! Just don't presume to pass laws demanding that everyone else must conform to your personal choices.

There are plenty of people who want that $15 an hour job, or even $10. It does get them far, and if it did not, they would not make that choice. What's the problem with just letting them be free to make that choice if they see it as their best alternative?

Everyone chooses what to whine about. Which is fine, as long as no one demands that we all have to whine simultaneously, in harmony, like doing a religious chant in unison, as if all society functions better when every decision is dictated by the group without individual differences.
 
The empirical effect of MW is net harm to all,
even when the direct empirical data is unavailable.
A claim about empirical effects requires empirical evidence. Please provide the requisite empirical evidence that an increase in the minimum wage necessarily causes a net harm to all. Without the data, you claim is ideological handwaving.
A raise in the minimum wage should reduce the amount of labor assuming all other influences on the demand and supply of labor remain unchanged.
This is a legitimate premise for all judgments about whether something works, or what its value or harm is. In all cases the premise "all else being equal" is assumed. That's a legitimate premise even though we can't ever measure the "all else" or know that it's "equal" -- we can draw the conclusion based on reasoning which goes beyond only the empirical data we have. Otherwise we could never predict how anything might work, or judge the value of something, or benefit or harm it does.
Premises that contradict reality when making deductions about reality may cause invalid conclusions. Whether or not a particular increase in the minimum wage causes a net harm or a net benefit is an empirical question for each case. Hence, a priori reasoning based on invalid assumptions is inappropriate for rational analysis.
Empirical work is usually unable to control or adjust for all those changes.
But whatever empirical data exists is always relevant, or helpful. We have to consider all of it that's available, but we have to recognize the limits of it. Example: A thief has impeccable empirical proof that his crimes have produced benefit, which he has experienced = empirical data -- plus no empirical data of any harm from his crimes (in some cases there's no such data anyone has). So in this case the empirical data proves that his behavior is good for society? No, we can reason that there are more particular facts, even if not recorded or published, which offset that limited data. This is the case with MW, for which there is easy empirical data about certain favored interests who benefit, but also lack of data about those harmed.
That is simply ideological whining.
Moreover, if an increase in the minimum wage reduces hours worked instead of employees, there would be no observed effect on unemployment/jobs.
But the effect in that case is REDUCED PRODUCTION = less supply of needed products which would be worth the cost = higher prices and lower living standard overall. The reduced production, or lower GDP, is a negative net effect of minimum wage law.
GDP is a measure of production. It is also a measure of income generated. If labor income increases (i.e. the proportional increase in the minimum wage exceeds the absolute value in the proportional reduction in hours worked), GDP rises.

Whether there is a net reduction in the supply of needed products is an empirical question.
 
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