lpetrich
Contributor
Nonwhite Voters Are Not Immune to Right-Wing Populism - "From Toronto’s Rob Ford to Donald Trump, racist candidates attract nonwhite support. What gives?"
Starts off with Rob Ford, former mayor of Toronto, ON, CA.
"It’s possible, for example, that his strongman appeal resonated with men for whom gender had more salience than racial identity in their voting decisions." - that seems likely. Trump did better among men than among women not only for white ones, but also for black ones and Hispanic ones.
Starts off with Rob Ford, former mayor of Toronto, ON, CA.
Seems like they liked him for being a boor.In 2010, the city of Toronto, one of the most ethnically diverse places in the world and a supposed bastion of liberalism, elected a man widely considered to be a racist as its mayor. Rob Ford was a vulgar and incoherent oaf, a former city councilor who clashed with his colleagues in public and went on racist tirades against seemingly every minority group. But when Ford successfully ran for office, it wasn’t on the wave of a white backlash against diversity, as one might have expected. Instead it was immigrants and minorities, the very people Ford was supposedly insulting, who helped power his run. Not only that, for all his unapologetic crudity — probably even because of it — they loved him.
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The more the media condemned him, the better Ford looked in the eyes of his supporters. Ford didn’t offer much in terms of policies or good governance, but his outlandish personality represented an “upraised middle finger,” as Toronto Life put it, against what many people felt was an arrogant, hypocritical, and morally self-satisfied establishment.
Cubans, for instance, may feel that they are legitimate immigrants, as opposed to all those other Latinx immigrants.One reason may be that, for a lot of nonwhite voters, Trump simply did not fit their definition of racism. The understanding of what constitutes racism is often different across class lines, especially when we’re talking about very ambiguous concepts like “tropes” and “dogwhistles.” Even when Trump makes what seem like obviously racially coded claims about immigration or crime, it’s not clear that people of color feel he’s talking about them personally. Trump seems glad to embrace Black and Latino supporters, for example, as long as they seem to fit with a certain image of success and conservatism.
Omarosa Manigault-Newman claims that she tried to talk some sense into Trump about racial issues. He worked with a black woman - her - but it didn't seem to stop him from having horrible stereotypes.Conservative rhetoric about issues like immigration, policing, and crime often appears to resonate with Black and Latino voters at least as much as conservative white voters — sometimes they even receive it more warmly. Both groups, along with a significant chunk of Asian Americans, also lean conservative on some issues, particularly religion, compared with white progressives who make up much of the Democratic voting coalition. All this, though, has not translated into majority support for the Republican Party — at least not yet — but it should be a serious warning sign to Democrats about taking nonwhite voters for granted.
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In electoral politics, the picture tends to be more muddled, on account of several factors. For instance, it is clear that the charges against Trump as a racist are not just coming from educated white elites: Many of the activists, politicians, and ordinary people sounding the alarm about the president are themselves people of color from nonelite backgrounds.
"It’s possible, for example, that his strongman appeal resonated with men for whom gender had more salience than racial identity in their voting decisions." - that seems likely. Trump did better among men than among women not only for white ones, but also for black ones and Hispanic ones.