Nah. The welfare cheque isn't reducing the grocer's operating costs, and the grocer isn't claiming he'd go out of business without that reduction in operating costs. It's barely analogous.
I take it you mean to imply that the welfare check is reducing the employer's operating costs. What's your evidence for that hypothesis?
I don't need any - it ain't me objecting that a load of businesses would go bust if they had to pay employees enough to live on.
It ain't me making that objection either. It is you objecting that the welfare check isn't reducing the grocer's operating costs. If you don't need any evidence, does that mean you're withdrawing your objection to JP's contention that I made a great analogy?
No.
So, you're saying I made a bad analogy because of a difference between the two cases that you don't need any evidence for? Sounds like it's time for us to agree to disagree.
I expect if there were a mass political movement trying to order grocers to supply poor people's food needs at grocers' expense, a typical grocer would start claiming he'd go out of business if that burden were assigned to him.
Indeed, which puts grocers in the position of tax payers with respect to unlivable wages. The mass political movement is effectively saying that it is not the responsibility of consumers to bear the full cost of groceries.
I lost you. Which mass movement is effectively saying this? The "living wage" movement?
No, your hypothetical "mass political movement trying to order grocers to supply poor people's food needs at grocers' expense"
Oh, I see. Okay. So what was your point? As far as I can see, pretty much everyone agrees it's not the responsibility of consumers to bear the full cost of groceries. Nobody's saying a poor consumer should starve. So somebody other than the consumer is going to be picking up part of the cost of her groceries. Who? Pretty much everyone who isn't a UBI proponent would rather it be somebody
other than himself. We have a hypothetical movement saying it should be grocers, and an actual movement saying it should be employers, each movement trying to put its selected minority group in the position of tax payers.
I.e., she should hire a different worker. I.e., you choose option two. I.e., the first worker should be stuck with a $30000 problem instead of a $10000 problem. I.e. you grabs his duds and his picks as well, and you hurls 'em down the pit of hell.
If hiring an individual means hurling everyone else down the pit of hell, you place a huge burden on employers.
I lost you again. How does it place a huge burden on employers if hiring an individual means hurling everyone else down the pit of hell? Did you perhaps mean "place a huge burden on employees"?
No, I meant employers. How does it
not place a huge burden on employers if hiring an individual means hurling everyone else down the pit of hell?
Okay, then I've failed to understand your metaphor. I was using an incident from the miners' song -- keeping union miners' pay up by throwing a blackleg's tools down into a hard-to-get-to part of a mine shaft to stop him from competing for work -- as a metaphor for stopping a guy from competing for work by getting the government to order employers to choose between not hiring him and taking a loss on him. You're using a different metaphor, since you spoke of throwing people rather than tools down the pit of hell. So can you explain your metaphor? What does "If hiring an individual means hurling everyone else down the pit of hell" refer to?
Since getting unskilled workers the monopoly price for labor requires reducing the total amount of unskilled labor, reducing it enough to jack the marginal revenue product of the labor up to the monopoly price, why not share the reduction in that total amount equally among all the unskilled workers, instead of inflicting the whole reduction on an unlucky few who are rendered jobless?
Because that assumes so-called 'perfect competition' where, absent MW/unions, "it's rational for employers to hire all the unskilled laborers willing to work for them." Real firms overwhelmingly stop producing/hiring before that point because they're constrained by demand for the product of labour (in turn constrained by ..wait for it.. wages).
They're constrained by a lot of things; but if not for the minimum wage or the union contract, they could relax the constraint of demand for their product, by lowering prices, which they could do if they lowered wages, which would in turn make fewer unskilled laborers be willing to work for them. I.e., we appear to be agreed that it's the obstacles to competition that make it rational for employers to turn away some of the people willing to work at the price they're paying. But I don't agree that demand is limited by the wages of unskilled labor. Most companies aren't in the business of selling solely to unskilled people. If the unskilled aren't buying much, because they don't have much money, companies can make stuff that skilled people will buy.
Given which, the non-union guys are not trying to join the workforce by entreating the union guys to share wages, they're trying to replace the union guys by offering wages back to the employer. That is why union miners fought blacklegs.
They're certainly trying to join the workforce. If they're trying to do it by replacing the union guys, that's because the union made it irrational for the company to hire everyone willing to work. If they aren't trying to do it by entreating the union guys to share wages, it's because their entreaties would fail. The union guys won't share. Sure, the union guys will pretend to themselves that they'll share. They'll even write a line into their song about it: "So join the union while you may, don't wait till your dying day, cause that may not be far away, you dirty blackleg miner." But letting the guy into their union won't magically increase the number of workers it's rational for the company to hire at the price the union negotiated. It won't get him a job. So when you imply the blackleg deserves what happens to him for the sin of trying to replace the union guys, you're blaming the victim. You're talking as though a person who already has a job automatically has more right to a job than a guy who's pounding the streets looking for one.
Also, I don't accept that getting unskilled workers the monopoly price for labor necessarily requires reducing the total amount of unskilled labor. Income effect, velocity of money etc, variables not depicted.
Income effect, meaning the higher paid workers will buy more? But minimum wage workers are only a small fraction of the work force. Paying them 30% more isn't going to increase sales by 30%. And if you think raising the minimum wage will increase the velocity of money, show your work. The only realistic ways unskilled workers can get the monopoly price for labor without reducing the total amount of unskilled labor is if the demand for unskilled labor is perfectly inelastic -- and that would require extraordinary evidence -- or if employers are compelled to buy more unskilled labor than they benefit from, or if the government commits to hiring everyone who can't find a private-sector job.
The simpler solution is to just make the best of the reduction in the size of the market for unskilled labor. If you're going to force everyone to join a de facto union, get the guys who wanted the compulsory union -- because they already had jobs and didn't expect to be the ones who'd lose theirs -- to share wages. Reduce each worker's hours in proportion, in order that everyone willing to work can get a job. Some real unions already do this -- it's pretty much how a merchant marine hiring hall works -- but that mechanism only works well for limited duration gigs. If you want people with permanent jobs to share, you need to shorten the work week.