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The Economics Department

The only objective way to asses a poverty level is having enough for food and decemt shler for self and family.

Poverty in the USA today is nothing like what poverty meant when I was born in 1951.

A smart phone with global connivations on tye net costs around $60 and internet service can be as low as $30 a month.

The way to ascees a poverty line is the average wage versus hw nany hours yu have to work for something.''In tye 0s a fuly loaded IBM PC coud run $4-6k and wages were around $8 an hour.

You had to work roughly 400-500 hours to buy an IBM.

Today wages are $15-25 a hour and a PC can be had for around $1k or about 100 hours.

The true measure is how log the average person has to work to buy something.

The cost of a Big Mac was once used to compare earning power around the world.

I don't like the Big Mac index because restaurant prices are so sensitive to the cost of cheap labor. I do agree with the basic concept, but you should be comparing a basket of goods. That's what purchasing power parity is about.
 
"Crybaby Economics" = demanding benefits which others have to pay for --

-- and the net value of those benefits is less than the costs.



"The Citizen Dividend" -- maybe a legitimate theory of wealth redistribution (less inequality)

excerpt from a book promotion:

Brian C. Johnson combines accessible scholarship on wealth and income inequality in America with deeply personal accounts of six Americans of diverse backgrounds who are each wrestling with what it means to survive and thrive in this new economic world. In so doing, he offers a solution that is as visionary as it is practical. Dubbed the Citizen Dividend, this revolutionary model assumes that economic growth is built off of the wealth we have created together as a country, and together we all reap its benefits. In Our Fair Share, Johnson lays the groundwork for implementing this solution, detailing what the Citizen Dividend is, offering examples of similar existing models, outlining the benefits of such systems, tackling some of the common concerns that arise, and offering a path toward making it a reality.

It appears to at least reduce way down, if not eliminate altogether, the element of employer-bashing and Crybaby Economics we constantly get from the Left, from the Bernie-AOC-Left assault against capitalism, aimed at the hated employer class, and instead focuses on simply taking a larger share of wealth from the very top 1% (or 10%) wealthiest, without scapegoating employers per se or equating this class with the super-rich.

The Citizens dividend appears to be just a different version of "crybaby economics". Once you utter "deserve a larger share", it is "crybaby economics".
No, the words "share" and "deserve" are not always crybaby ideas. . . .

The word "crybaby" does not describe every possible demand anyone might make, or every possible complaint someone has that they "deserve" something or that they ended up with less than their entitlement.

The idea that the whole society "deserves" a "share" in the wealth of certain super-rich members, like oil tycoons etc., isn't necessarily a "crybaby" idea. These issues are settled by looking at all the facts, such as the social costs and benefits, and trying to maximize the benefits to everyone and minimize the costs.

"Crybaby Economics" best describes the protectionist trade economics of demagogues like Bernie Sanders and Donald Trump. But not all demands are "crybaby" demands. Bernie's demand for a tax on Wall Street is not a "crybaby" demand like his China-bashing trade demands are.


the words "share" and "deserve" are not always crybaby ideas.

E.g., if you're mugged on the street and all your money is taken, you're entitled to complain that you "deserve" back what was taken from you. Or, if a deal is agreed to between 2 parties, in a contract they sign and which requires payment by one to the other, it's not necessarily "crybaby economics" for one to complain that the other violated the terms, or that one's "share" turned out less than what was agreed to.
Your examples are ridiculous because they do not deal with "deserve a larger share".

Yes they do. If you're robbed, are you not deprived of "your share"? You are short "your share" by the amount that was removed from you by the robber. For compensation a court would reward you back what was taken plus costs for any injury or inconvenience. If you never get compensated, then you never recover "your share" that was taken from you. How can you say the victim of this robbery is a "crybaby" for complaining that they're entitled to this compensation or restoration of "their share" of the total wealth which they had prior to being robbed? Even if the victim is mistaken in thinking that the compensation is possible, s/he still is not a "crybaby" for claiming that they wrongly lost "their share" and that they "deserve" it back if it were possible to recover it.

And isn't a party to a contract deprived of "their fair share" if the other party defaults by violating the terms? How is that one defrauded being a "crybaby" to demand compensation or damages? Didn't the ones defrauded by Bernie Madoff "deserve a larger share" than what he had left them with?

Aren't there many cases of someone getting ripped off by another? in both civil and criminal cases? Isn't the victim in each case deprived of "their fair share" of the property or assets because of the criminal or fraudulent behavior of the perpetrator? Doesn't that victim "deserve a larger share" than what that perpetrator left them with?

And doesn't the tax law mean that the government "deserves a share" of an individual citizen's wealth? How can taxes be required and be collected forcefully unless the amount collected is recognized as being the proper "share" that the state is entitled to, and which it "deserves" to have? And how is it not so that it "deserves a larger share" from a certain taxpayer who evaded paying? or if certain interests are rigging the system to escape paying a "share" proportional to the benefits they demand to be provided to them by the state?

"Crybaby Economics" means demanding something you're NOT entitled to, or something which you did NOT earn or gain through merit. It does not mean demanding something if you are entitled to it.

Whereas,
Once you utter "deserve a larger share", it is "crybaby economics"
defines "Crybaby Economics" as demanding anything at all, including something you're entitled to.

There is such a thing as being entitled to something, or rightfully owning something, though being deprived of it, or deserving something because it's yours or you gained it legitimately. There is legitimate and non-legitimate demand for something or claimed ownership of something.

Once you utter "deserve a larger share", it is "crybaby economics"
means that a slave is a crybaby for demanding to be set free, because he thinks he's entitled to a "larger share" in life than the slaveowner allows him.

You're wrong to imply that slaves were crybabies for demanding "a larger share" than was given to them by the economic or legal system in which they lived.

The term "Crybaby Economics" doesn't mean any demand at all for "a larger share" -- it means that someone demands something which inflicts an undue cost onto others in order to pay for it. There can be disagreement on what is an undue cost, or what the cost vs. benefit is when someone makes a demand. But you cannot brand every demand anyone makes as a "crybaby" demand simply because they claim to "deserve more" than they have or claim they got gypped or cheated, etc. There are legitimate demands for "more" or a "larger share" in some cases.

Not every demand for "a larger share" is a crybaby demand. As you're claiming when you say
Once you utter "deserve a larger share", it is "crybaby economics"

Claiming to "deserve a larger share" is not ipso facto a crybaby demand, or a case of "Crybaby Economics."

If it's true that
Once you utter "deserve a larger share", it is "crybaby economics"
then the state is being a crybaby to require a tax evader to pay more or be prosecuted. It means anyone wanting tax loopholes to be eliminated is a crybaby. If that's what "crybaby economics" means, then even President Reagan was being a crybaby when he promoted tax law reforms to eliminate some tax loopholes for the rich.

Reforming tax law to require the rich to pay more is based on the premise that the state "deserves a larger share" of revenue from those taxpayers. But it's not "crybaby economics" to require the rich to pay more in cases where they're not paying enough. Not all demands to get "more" from someone are "crybaby" demands.


The word "crybaby" does not describe every possible demand anyone might make, or every possible complaint someone has that they "deserve" something or that they ended up with less than their entitlement.
No one said it did.

This statement says that:
Once you utter "deserve a larger share", it is "crybaby economics"
It says that anytime someone demands "a larger share" of something, it's "crybaby economics," no matter how legitimate the demand might be. There is such a thing as a legitimate demand for "a larger share" of something, in some cases, and this is denied by the statement
Once you utter "deserve a larger share", it is "crybaby economics"
which brands all such demands as "crybaby" demands, no matter how legitimate they may be.


The idea that the whole society "deserves" a "share" in the wealth of certain super-rich members, like oil tycoons etc., isn't necessarily a "crybaby" idea. (Maybe it is in some cases, but in other cases it is a legitimate idea.) These issues are settled by looking at all the facts, such as the social costs and benefits, and trying to maximize the benefits to everyone and minimize the costs.

"Crybaby Economics" best describes the protectionist trade economics of demagogues like Bernie Sanders and Donald Trump. But not all demands are "crybaby" demands. Bernie's demand for a tax on Wall Street is not a "crybaby" demand like his China-bashing trade demands are.
Your word salad is special pleading for your crybaby economics because there is no objective reason for your target recipients to get what you feel they deserve.

No, it's not "special pleading" to say one thing is right and another thing wrong. There are reasons to favor one but oppose another.

There are objective reasons to meet some demands and not others, or for some "target recipients" to receive what they demand and others not to. Trump and Sanders demand certain benefits to steel companies and auto companies, or pander to their demands, such as for higher protective barriers against imports. This is a crybaby demand because it benefits those companies only, and their workers, and imposes an undue cost onto 330 million U.S. consumers, thus inflicting damage onto the greater number while benefiting a small minority special interest.

But by contrast a tax on Wall Street would benefit the whole population equally by providing revenue far more efficiently than what is collected from income tax, so that a far greater fraction of each dollar collected would go to paying the budget expenses and a much smaller fraction paid toward enforcement of the tax collection. So this would benefit the whole country, not just a small special interest as with the bad trade policies.

So there are good reasons to favor one and oppose the other. It's not "special pleading" to agree on one point and disagree on another.


Your "maximizing the benefits to everyone" standard is ill-defined handwaving to justify your normative economics (or what people call "political views).

What is "ill-defined" about maximizing benefit to people? Why are you against people benefiting? What do you favor instead?
 
examples of CRYBABY ECONOMICS

• King Charles I creating jobs

Jobs Created by ELIMINATING Wind Power
Last year a wind-powered sawmill was built near the Strand, London. (The Strand is a major road following the Thames River.) Apparently it has been such a successful business that a lot of sawyers are out of work. (A sawyer is man who saws wood by hand.) King Charles the 1st of England is fighting an economic slump so he demolishes the sawmill in order to quell a possible riot and puts the sawyers back to work. http://tspwiki.com/index.php?title=1634#Jobs_Created_by_ELIMINATING_Wind_Power_.2A

This job-creation by Charles I = CRYBABY ECONOMICS because it was done to pander to the interests of a few uncompetitive sawmill workers, giving them a benefit, but done at the cost of the whole nation which had to pay higher prices for wood products.

When a special interest makes demands which inflict a cost onto everyone else, that is a crybaby demand, benefiting the complaining group at everyone else's expense.

In this case it is done in order to provide slots into which to put the crybabies, to keep them out of mischief.
__________________

• Trump's job creation for steelworkers and autoworkers = CRYBABY ECONOMICS, higher costs to all consumers, because of the much higher labor cost necessary for the special-interest domestic workers doing the same work done earlier by Chinese and other foreign workers at a fraction of the cost. Also anti-dumping laws which drive up prices paid by all consumers.
___________________

• Cracking down on immigrant workers/reducing visas and cracking down on employers hiring immigrants, keeping out immigrant workers in order to reduce competition with domestic workers = CRYBABY ECONOMICS, done to protect a minority of domestic workers, to boost their incomes, at the expense of 300 million consumers who have to pay higher prices as a result of the higher labor cost and/or the labor shortage because of unfilled jobs.
____________________

• The crusade for LOWER GAS TAXES, demanded by mobs of protesters in France and other countries, and pandering to this demand = CRYBABY ECONOMICS to benefit the present generation with lower prices, while inflicting higher carbon emissions and damage to the climate for later generations, which will result in mass suffering and millions of lives lost as a result of cost imposed to satisfy the demand today. Also Biden's and every President's plea to OPEC to increase oil production and reduce prices = more carbon emissions and more damage inflicted onto the future.
_____________________

• Pandering to coal companies and coal miners, to save jobs = CRYBABY ECONOMICS, to benefit special interest companies and workers, for their benefit, at the cost of continued fossil fuel emissions which will inflict costs onto future generations, including mass starvation and millions of lives lost due to climate change, much of which could be prevented.
 
What is wrong with this website that it doesn't include an Economics section? I am putting this here in a feeble attempt to correct this.

What is the prejudice against this topic? The National Debt, Trade and Globalism, Supply-and-Demand, Labor laws and Labor disputes, Taxes, etc. Our quality of life, welfare, living standard is largely dependent on how these are addressed, but the average American is apparently a crybaby who cannot stand to hear of it and cannot bear to critically judge the decisions being made (and preached but not debated) in high places, by speech-makers who mostly just pander to certain factions who aggressively solicit them, to the detriment of everyone else.

When I went to college the Economics classes were held mostly in the Social Science Bldg., so putting this here seems reasonable, for lack of a proper place being provided for it.

The extreme contempt for Economics, and mindlessness today among the idiots and crybabies and restless natives of America (and other countries also?) shows through in the following:
Perhaps this discussion would fit better under miscellaneous.

This is HATE, almost as bad as hate against a class or race, only in this case it's hate against a topic people can't bear to think about. At most, people only want to give it just enough time to focus on the particular class or race they hate, and slam that hated object -- immigrants, employers, Jews, greedy capitalist pigs, foreigners, landlords, sweatshop owners, scab laborers, etc. -- and then run away before the targeted scapegoat has a chance to even see what hit them.

I don't know if this is only a U.S.A. mental disease, or if it's worldwide. I've seen some programs on BBC (not many, but at least an occasional one), and possibly DW, where there's an intelligent debate/discussion on economics. Perhaps the hate-disease is bad in those countries too, but slightly less widespread than in the U.S.

Economics is part of social science IMHO. It's a super super soft science. Conservatives like to pretend economics isn't a soft science, so that their theories isn't just a question of opinion. As if anybody who doesn't agree with them are ignorant.

I think it's good that economics is discussed in the social science sub forum
 
-- and the net value of those benefits is less than the costs.





The Citizens dividend appears to be just a different version of "crybaby economics". Once you utter "deserve a larger share", it is "crybaby economics".
No, the words "share" and "deserve" are not always crybaby ideas. . . .

The word "crybaby" does not describe every possible demand anyone might make, or every possible complaint someone has that they "deserve" something or that they ended up with less than their entitlement.

The idea that the whole society "deserves" a "share" in the wealth of certain super-rich members, like oil tycoons etc., isn't necessarily a "crybaby" idea. These issues are settled by looking at all the facts, such as the social costs and benefits, and trying to maximize the benefits to everyone and minimize the costs.

"Crybaby Economics" best describes the protectionist trade economics of demagogues like Bernie Sanders and Donald Trump. But not all demands are "crybaby" demands. Bernie's demand for a tax on Wall Street is not a "crybaby" demand like his China-bashing trade demands are.


the words "share" and "deserve" are not always crybaby ideas.

E.g., if you're mugged on the street and all your money is taken, you're entitled to complain that you "deserve" back what was taken from you. Or, if a deal is agreed to between 2 parties, in a contract they sign and which requires payment by one to the other, it's not necessarily "crybaby economics" for one to complain that the other violated the terms, or that one's "share" turned out less than what was agreed to.
Your examples are ridiculous because they do not deal with "deserve a larger share".

Yes they do. If you're robbed, are you not deprived of "your share"? You are short "your share" by the amount that was removed from you by the robber. For compensation a court would reward you back what was taken plus costs for any injury or inconvenience. If you never get compensated, then you never recover "your share" that was taken from you. How can you say the victim of this robbery is a "crybaby" for complaining that they're entitled to this compensation or restoration of "their share" of the total wealth which they had prior to being robbed? Even if the victim is mistaken in thinking that the compensation is possible, s/he still is not a "crybaby" for claiming that they wrongly lost "their share" and that they "deserve" it back if it were possible to recover it.

And isn't a party to a contract deprived of "their fair share" if the other party defaults by violating the terms? How is that one defrauded being a "crybaby" to demand compensation or damages? Didn't the ones defrauded by Bernie Madoff "deserve a larger share" than what he had left them with?

Aren't there many cases of someone getting ripped off by another? in both civil and criminal cases? Isn't the victim in each case deprived of "their fair share" of the property or assets because of the criminal or fraudulent behavior of the perpetrator? Doesn't that victim "deserve a larger share" than what that perpetrator left them with?

And doesn't the tax law mean that the government "deserves a share" of an individual citizen's wealth? How can taxes be required and be collected forcefully unless the amount collected is recognized as being the proper "share" that the state is entitled to, and which it "deserves" to have? And how is it not so that it "deserves a larger share" from a certain taxpayer who evaded paying? or if certain interests are rigging the system to escape paying a "share" proportional to the benefits they demand to be provided to them by the state?

"Crybaby Economics" means demanding something you're NOT entitled to, or something which you did NOT earn or gain through merit. It does not mean demanding something if you are entitled to it.

Whereas,
Once you utter "deserve a larger share", it is "crybaby economics"
defines "Crybaby Economics" as demanding anything at all, including something you're entitled to.

There is such a thing as being entitled to something, or rightfully owning something, though being deprived of it, or deserving something because it's yours or you gained it legitimately. There is legitimate and non-legitimate demand for something or claimed ownership of something.

Once you utter "deserve a larger share", it is "crybaby economics"
means that a slave is a crybaby for demanding to be set free, because he thinks he's entitled to a "larger share" in life than the slaveowner allows him.

You're wrong to imply that slaves were crybabies for demanding "a larger share" than was given to them by the economic or legal system in which they lived.

The term "Crybaby Economics" doesn't mean any demand at all for "a larger share" -- it means that someone demands something which inflicts an undue cost onto others in order to pay for it. There can be disagreement on what is an undue cost, or what the cost vs. benefit is when someone makes a demand. But you cannot brand every demand anyone makes as a "crybaby" demand simply because they claim to "deserve more" than they have or claim they got gypped or cheated, etc. There are legitimate demands for "more" or a "larger share" in some cases.

Not every demand for "a larger share" is a crybaby demand. As you're claiming when you say
Once you utter "deserve a larger share", it is "crybaby economics"

Claiming to "deserve a larger share" is not ipso facto a crybaby demand, or a case of "Crybaby Economics."

If it's true that
Once you utter "deserve a larger share", it is "crybaby economics"
then the state is being a crybaby to require a tax evader to pay more or be prosecuted. It means anyone wanting tax loopholes to be eliminated is a crybaby. If that's what "crybaby economics" means, then even President Reagan was being a crybaby when he promoted tax law reforms to eliminate some tax loopholes for the rich.

Reforming tax law to require the rich to pay more is based on the premise that the state "deserves a larger share" of revenue from those taxpayers. But it's not "crybaby economics" to require the rich to pay more in cases where they're not paying enough. Not all demands to get "more" from someone are "crybaby" demands.


The word "crybaby" does not describe every possible demand anyone might make, or every possible complaint someone has that they "deserve" something or that they ended up with less than their entitlement.
No one said it did.

This statement says that:
Once you utter "deserve a larger share", it is "crybaby economics"
It says that anytime someone demands "a larger share" of something, it's "crybaby economics," no matter how legitimate the demand might be. There is such a thing as a legitimate demand for "a larger share" of something, in some cases, and this is denied by the statement
Once you utter "deserve a larger share", it is "crybaby economics"
which brands all such demands as "crybaby" demands, no matter how legitimate they may be.


The idea that the whole society "deserves" a "share" in the wealth of certain super-rich members, like oil tycoons etc., isn't necessarily a "crybaby" idea. (Maybe it is in some cases, but in other cases it is a legitimate idea.) These issues are settled by looking at all the facts, such as the social costs and benefits, and trying to maximize the benefits to everyone and minimize the costs.

"Crybaby Economics" best describes the protectionist trade economics of demagogues like Bernie Sanders and Donald Trump. But not all demands are "crybaby" demands. Bernie's demand for a tax on Wall Street is not a "crybaby" demand like his China-bashing trade demands are.
Your word salad is special pleading for your crybaby economics because there is no objective reason for your target recipients to get what you feel they deserve.

No, it's not "special pleading" to say one thing is right and another thing wrong. There are reasons to favor one but oppose another.

There are objective reasons to meet some demands and not others, or for some "target recipients" to receive what they demand and others not to. Trump and Sanders demand certain benefits to steel companies and auto companies, or pander to their demands, such as for higher protective barriers against imports. This is a crybaby demand because it benefits those companies only, and their workers, and imposes an undue cost onto 330 million U.S. consumers, thus inflicting damage onto the greater number while benefiting a small minority special interest.

But by contrast a tax on Wall Street would benefit the whole population equally by providing revenue far more efficiently than what is collected from income tax, so that a far greater fraction of each dollar collected would go to paying the budget expenses and a much smaller fraction paid toward enforcement of the tax collection. So this would benefit the whole country, not just a small special interest as with the bad trade policies.

So there are good reasons to favor one and oppose the other. It's not "special pleading" to agree on one point and disagree on another.
You are incorrect. You like to call "cry baby economics" policy proposals that allow people to receive more than what they create in the market even when there are reasons to favor those policies. Every policy proposal has reasons driving its support and every proposal has reasons against it. Your proposal fits that category. It is an example of "crybaby economics".


Your "maximizing the benefits to everyone" standard is ill-defined handwaving to justify your normative economics (or what people call "political views).
What is "ill-defined" about maximizing benefit to people?
"Benefits" are ill-defined. How are those "benefits" measured.
Why are you against people benefiting? What do you favor instead?
I m not against people benefitting as a general rule. I am simply pointing out you are unwittingly displaying a blatant double standard.
 
What is wrong with this website that it doesn't include an Economics section? I am putting this here in a feeble attempt to correct this. ... When I went to college the Economics classes were held mostly in the Social Science Bldg., so putting this here seems reasonable, for lack of a proper place being provided for it.

The extreme contempt for Economics, and mindlessness today among the idiots and crybabies and restless natives of America (and other countries also?) shows through in the following: ...

"The Citizen Dividend" -- maybe a legitimate theory of wealth redistribution (less inequality) ... The worst of Crybaby Economics can be summed up as ...

The Citizens dividend appears to be just a different version of "crybaby economics". Once you utter "deserve a larger share", it is "crybaby economics".

No, the words "share" and "deserve" are not always crybaby ideas. ... "Crybaby Economics" best describes the protectionist trade economics of demagogues like Bernie Sanders and Donald Trump. ...
The whole point of calling certain economic ideas "crybaby economics" is to insult those ideas, insult the theorists who advocate those ideas, and insult the voters the advocates of those ideas attract the votes of. Debating what is or is not "crybaby economics" therefore amounts to debating who should be insulted. Who should be insulted is not a scientific question. So if you think Economics belongs in the Science section rather than the Political Discussions section, you should stop using the word "crybaby".
 
Some demands people make are "Crybaby" demands. But not all.

The Citizens dividend appears to be just a different version of "crybaby economics". Once you utter "deserve a larger share", it is "crybaby economics".

No, "crybaby economics" doesn't just mean someone demands more, like "a larger share" of something. Some such demands are legitimate.


the words "share" and "deserve" are not always crybaby ideas.

E.g., if you're mugged on the street and all your money is taken, you're entitled to complain that you "deserve" back what was taken from you. Or, if a deal is agreed to between 2 parties, in a contract they sign and which requires payment by one to the other, it's not necessarily "crybaby economics" for one to complain that the other violated the terms, or that one's "share" turned out less than what was agreed to.
Your examples are ridiculous because they do not deal with "deserve a larger share".

Yes they do. If you're robbed, are you not deprived of "your share"? You are short "your share" by the amount that was removed from you by the robber. For compensation a court would reward you back what was taken plus costs for any injury or inconvenience. If you never get compensated, then you never recover "your share" that was taken from you. How can you say the victim of this robbery is a "crybaby" for complaining that they're entitled to this compensation or restoration of "their share" of the total wealth which they had prior to being robbed? Even if the victim is mistaken in thinking that the compensation is possible, s/he still is not a "crybaby" for claiming that they wrongly lost "their share" and that they "deserve" it back if it were possible to recover it.

And isn't a party to a contract deprived of "their fair share" if the other party defaults by violating the terms? How is that one defrauded being a "crybaby" to demand compensation or damages? Didn't the ones defrauded by Bernie Madoff "deserve a larger share" than what he had left them with?

Aren't there many cases of someone getting ripped off by another? in both civil and criminal cases? Isn't the victim in each case deprived of "their fair share" of the property or assets because of the criminal or fraudulent behavior of the perpetrator? Doesn't that victim "deserve a larger share" than what that perpetrator left them with?

And doesn't the tax law mean that the government "deserves a share" of an individual citizen's wealth? How can taxes be required and be collected forcefully unless the amount collected is recognized as being the proper "share" that the state is entitled to, and which it "deserves" to have? And how is it not so that it "deserves a larger share" from a certain taxpayer who evaded paying? or if certain interests are rigging the system to escape paying a "share" proportional to the benefits they demand to be provided to them by the state?

"Crybaby Economics" means demanding something you're NOT entitled to, or something which you did NOT earn or gain through merit. It does not mean demanding something if you are entitled to it.

Whereas,
Once you utter "deserve a larger share", it is "crybaby economics"
defines "Crybaby Economics" as demanding anything at all, including something you're entitled to.

There is such a thing as being entitled to something, or rightfully owning something, though being deprived of it, or deserving something because it's yours or you gained it legitimately. There is legitimate and non-legitimate demand for something or claimed ownership of something.

Once you utter "deserve a larger share", it is "crybaby economics"
means that a slave is a crybaby for demanding to be set free, because he thinks he's entitled to a "larger share" in life than the slaveowner allows him.

You're wrong to imply that slaves were crybabies for demanding "a larger share" than was given to them by the economic or legal system in which they lived.

The term "Crybaby Economics" doesn't mean any demand at all for "a larger share" -- it means that someone demands something which inflicts an undue cost onto others in order to pay for it. There can be disagreement on what is an undue cost, or what the cost vs. benefit is when someone makes a demand. But you cannot brand every demand anyone makes as a "crybaby" demand simply because they claim to "deserve more" than they have or claim they got gypped or cheated, etc. There are legitimate demands for "more" or a "larger share" in some cases.

Not every demand for "a larger share" is a crybaby demand. As you're claiming when you say
Once you utter "deserve a larger share", it is "crybaby economics"

Claiming to "deserve a larger share" is not ipso facto a crybaby demand, or a case of "Crybaby Economics."

If it's true that
Once you utter "deserve a larger share", it is "crybaby economics"
then the state is being a crybaby to require a tax evader to pay more or be prosecuted. It means anyone wanting tax loopholes to be eliminated is a crybaby. If that's what "crybaby economics" means, then even President Reagan was being a crybaby when he promoted tax law reforms to eliminate some tax loopholes for the rich.

Reforming tax law to require the rich to pay more is based on the premise that the state "deserves a larger share" of revenue from those taxpayers. But it's not "crybaby economics" to require the rich to pay more in cases where they're not paying enough. Not all demands to get "more" from someone are "crybaby" demands.


The word "crybaby" does not describe every possible demand anyone might make, or every possible complaint someone has that they "deserve" something or that they ended up with less than their entitlement.
No one said it did.

This statement says that:
Once you utter "deserve a larger share", it is "crybaby economics"
It says that anytime someone demands "a larger share" of something, it's "crybaby economics," no matter how legitimate the demand might be. There is such a thing as a legitimate demand for "a larger share" of something, in some cases, and this is denied by the statement
Once you utter "deserve a larger share", it is "crybaby economics"
which brands all such demands as "crybaby" demands, no matter how legitimate they may be.


The idea that the whole society "deserves" a "share" in the wealth of certain super-rich members, like oil tycoons etc., isn't necessarily a "crybaby" idea. (Maybe it is in some cases, but in other cases it is a legitimate idea.) These issues are settled by looking at all the facts, such as the social costs and benefits, and trying to maximize the benefits to everyone and minimize the costs.

"Crybaby Economics" best describes the protectionist trade economics of demagogues like Bernie Sanders and Donald Trump. But not all demands are "crybaby" demands. Bernie's demand for a tax on Wall Street is not a "crybaby" demand like his China-bashing trade demands are.
Your word salad is special pleading for your crybaby economics because there is no objective reason for your target recipients to get what you feel they deserve.

No, it's not "special pleading" to say one thing is right and another thing wrong. There are reasons to favor one but oppose another.

There are objective reasons to meet some demands and not others, or for some "target recipients" to receive what they demand and others not to. Trump and Sanders demand certain benefits to steel companies and auto companies, or pander to their demands, such as for higher protective barriers against imports. This is a crybaby demand because it benefits those companies only, and their workers, and imposes an undue cost onto 330 million U.S. consumers, thus inflicting damage onto the greater number while benefiting a small minority special interest.

But by contrast a tax on Wall Street would benefit the whole population equally by providing revenue far more efficiently than what is collected from income tax, so that a far greater fraction of each dollar collected would go to paying the budget expenses and a much smaller fraction paid toward enforcement of the tax collection. So this would benefit the whole country, not just a small special interest as with the bad trade policies.

So there are good reasons to favor one and oppose the other. It's not "special pleading" to agree on one point and disagree on another.

You are incorrect. You like to call "cry baby economics" policy proposals that allow people to receive more than what they create in the market even when there are reasons to favor those policies.

Let's take specific examples:

Autoworkers and steelworkers are paid more than they create in value, based on supply-and-demand. It would be easy to hire workers to do that work (based on competition only) and pay them only half or 2/3 as much. They are protected categories because they are high-profile workers who get extra attention -- not because there is any greater need for them. (Also, they aren't necessarily the best example of crybabies, but just easy examples to use to make the point. It's obvious that they get special treatment in terms of being protected against foreign competition, such as Trump protected them with increased barriers against foreign competition.)

They
receive more than what they create in the market"
Yes, because of the extra protection against foreign competition. But
there are reasons to favor those policies
of paying them more than the value they create? What are those reasons? What reason ever is there to pay someone more than the value they create (based on market supply-and-demand)?

There is no shortage of autoworkers and steelworkers. The main reason to pay someone more is that there is a shortage of them, or not enough to meet the market demand. What other reason is there? Why should autoworkers and steelworkers in particular be paid more than their market value?

If you claim there's a special reason to pay autoworkers and steelworkers more than their market value, you have to tell us what that reason is.

There are reasons to pay NO ONE more than their market value. To pay certain workers more than their value causes a disincentive in the economy, to draw them away from where they're really needed. There are many places in the economy where we need those workers much more than we need them in auto and steel production. There will never be any shortage of steelworkers or autoworkers (as automation eliminates more and more factory jobs).

Today in the U.S. there is a much greater need for plumbers and electricians and firefighters, to name only a few categories where there is a shortage. What is the reason to attract workers away from plumbing and electrical work and firefighting, where they're needed, and into auto and steel manufacturing, where there is an oversupply of workers?

Unless you can answer this, you cannot claim there "are reasons to favor those policies" of paying autoworkers and steelworkers more than their market value. The only apparent reason is that these 2 job categories are very conspicuous, as traditional job types which have nostalgic interest, and we feel sorry for these workers, like they are heroes of some kind, similar to war heroes.

It's not that they aren't more valuable than some types, like cab drivers or fast-food workers, etc. But they're not worth the typical $30/hour wage level plus generous union benefits. What they are worth is whatever level the market would pay them, determined by the competition and other market factors. The more they need the government to protect them against competition, the greater is the discrepancy between their real value and what they're paid.

No one can give a reason why these or any other special category of worker or business should be entitled to protection against competition.


Every policy proposal has reasons driving its support and every proposal has reasons against it.

Then tell us what the reasons are for giving certain producers protection against having to compete. All you're saying is that there must be a good reason for it or it wouldn't be so. So by that logic, everything the government does is automatically the right thing to do, exactly, and not one detail should be changed, because whatever it is now has to be right because there has to be a reason for it, even though no one can say what the reason is.

We're entitled to an explanation why job-seekers should be drawn away from firefighting and plumbing and electrical work, where there's a shortage, and into auto and steel manufacturing, where there is no shortage. This is what we're doing, under protectionists like Trump and Biden and Sanders, and you can't give any reason for it, other than to just say "Every policy proposal has reasons driving its support" and so it must be the right thing to do. I.e., this system is "the best of all possible worlds," so don't question it.


Your proposal fits that category.

What category? My proposal is that no one should be paid more than their market value or be protected against having to compete, or protected from the forces of supply-and-demand. You're not answering why some categories of producers, e.g., steelworkers and autoworkers, should be protected against competition and paid more than the supply-and-demand value of what they produce.


It is an example of "crybaby economics".

What is? According to you, it is "crybaby economics" for the IRS to require the super-rich to pay what they owe. Or it's "crybaby economics" to want some tax loopholes eliminated. According to you, all taxpayer loopholes should be preserved, no matter what, and anyone who suggests eliminating a tax loophole is a "crybaby" for wanting those super-rich to pay a "larger share" -- because to ever require a "larger share" is "crybaby economics" according to you:

Once you utter "deserve a larger share", it is "crybaby economics"

Your "maximizing the benefits to everyone" standard is ill-defined handwaving to justify your normative economics (or what people call "political views).
What is "ill-defined" about maximizing benefit to people?
"Benefits" are ill-defined. How are those "benefits" measured.
Of course in "Economics" it's not precise to quantify the "costs and benefits" and measure exactly how much harm and benefit is gained in every decision or every action taken. You could debunk any policy or action or any decision ever taken by any decision-maker, ever in history, by just saying they don't have a perfect method to scientifically measure each cost or benefit.

But we have to make the decisions somehow, and there are ways to approximate the costs and benefits. And measurements in dollars (or other monetary units) are used, as a convenience, to try to simplify it. Figures like GDP are used -- they are not precise, and there are philosophical shortcomings with any such quantities, or with "dollars" or other such units of measure. But the estimates are useful, and we have to use some measures or quantities for making the judgments.

It should not be difficult for you to understand that the demand for firefighters and plumbers today is greater than the demand for steelworkers. These basic facts can guide us in figuring out what the best policies are, even though we cannot precisely quantify all the costs and benefits of every act or decision. If you demand such precise measurement for every decision or judgment made, then there can never be any economic decision about anything.

You are not arguing against anything I've said, but against every economic decision or public policy ever made in history by anyone of any ideological camp.


Why are you against people benefiting? What do you favor instead?
I m not against people benefitting as a general rule. I am simply pointing out you are unwittingly displaying a blatant double standard.

Whatever you mean by that, I'll try to avoid doing it in the future.

In the meantime, why don't you make yourself useful and explain why certain categories of producers should be given special benefits the rest of us have to pay for, like protection against having to compete, and like being paid more than their supply-and-demand value in the market.
 
The Citizens dividend appears to be just a different version of "crybaby economics". Once you utter "deserve a larger share", it is "crybaby economics".

No, the words "share" and "deserve" are not always crybaby ideas. ... "Crybaby Economics" best describes the protectionist trade economics of demagogues like Bernie Sanders and Donald Trump. ...
The whole point of calling certain economic ideas "crybaby economics" is to insult those ideas, insult the theorists who advocate those ideas, and insult the voters the advocates of those ideas attract the votes of. Debating what is or is not "crybaby economics" therefore amounts to debating who should be insulted.

No, that's not what the debate is. It's legitimate in a debate to clarify a term which is being misused, as the term "crybaby" was misused here. This term has a legitimate use. Just because it has an "insult" element to it does not make it illegitimate. It's OK to use a strong term for emphasis.


Who should be insulted is not a scientific question.

That's not the question here. There is a secondary question about what "crybaby" means, which should be clarified. But the main question is why benefits should be given to some which end up making society worse off overall because of the costs imposed onto everyone else.


So if you think Economics belongs in the Science section rather than the Political Discussions section, you should stop using the word "crybaby".

No, it's OK to use an "insult" term, or metaphor, as long as the meaning fits the logic of the one being insulted.

E.g., what is the reasoning of someone who demands lower gas tax?

They ignore the damage done by carbon emissions and demand something which gives instant gratification to people now, at a cost to someone later, whose interest is ignored, who must pay the cost for the instant gratification we want now.

That's what a baby does, who has no idea of the cost for whatever it demands. All it knows is what it demands now, and throws a tantrum to get what it wants, regardless of the cost or sacrifice someone has to make.

So it's a "crybaby" demand when some interest group demands something which all the rest of us have to pay for, or later generations have to pay for, or suffer the consequence for. While the one demanding it doesn't care that the someone else has to pay for it, or suffer the consequences. They ignore that cost others have to pay and just pretend that it's only their narrow interest that matters. Or they pretend there is no cost or damage to others.
 
No, "crybaby economics" doesn't just mean someone demands more, like "a larger share" of something. Some such demands are legitimate.
From your many walls of text, it is clear you object to proposals that somehow subvert "the market" outcome (for example, minimum or living wage proposals) - you call them "crybaby economics". Well, your proposal subverts the outcome of "the market". So, it is an example of "crybaby economics".


In the meantime, why don't you make yourself useful and explain why certain categories of producers should be given special benefits the rest of us have to pay for, like protection against having to compete, and like being paid more than their supply-and-demand value in the market.
I believe we have a different view of what "being useful" means. Walls of irrelevant text (your MO) is not being useful in my opinion, but since you do, I will try it.

I understand traditional economic theory. I have studied it and used for a number of decades. I understand that it is an analytical tool that can be used to understand some parts of social interaction and social organization and can help construct policies to improve certain outcomes. I understand that economic theory has its limitations. Finally, I know that there are very few opportunities in the real world where a Pareto improvement (i.e. improving the welfare of some people without harming the welfare of anyone) is possible. Hence, almost every policy involves winners and losers. Which means that assessing the worthiness of such policy means making a political or moral judgment about relative importance of the winners and the losers. Most debates over policy revolve about disagreements the identification of the winners and the loses, and their relative importance.

Markets are a social construct. There are situations where markets are beneficial in my opinion. And, in my opinion, there are situations where markets are harmful.
I do not venerate markets. I do not assume market outcomes are necessarily good.
IMO, helping people survive or achieve a decent standard of living by intervening in market outcomes is not conveying a "special benefit" to them - it is acting in a humane and civilized manner. If it means "the rest of us" bear the cost, then we do. I would prefer that cost be minimized, but I realize that how people view the means by which something is achieved differently. So sometimes we use mechanisms (such as minimum wages or price supports) because they do not confer a stigma to the recipients. In my view, such stigmas (such as your "crybaby economics) are regrettable indicators of pointless moral judgments which hinder potential improvements in social organization and social justice.
 
No, "crybaby economics" doesn't just mean someone demands more, like "a larger share" of something. Some such demands are legitimate.
From your many walls of text, it is clear you object to proposals that somehow subvert "the market" outcome (for example, minimum or living wage proposals) - you call them "crybaby economics". Well, your proposal subverts the outcome of "the market". So, it is an example of "crybaby economics".


In the meantime, why don't you make yourself useful and explain why certain categories of producers should be given special benefits the rest of us have to pay for, like protection against having to compete, and like being paid more than their supply-and-demand value in the market.
I believe we have a different view of what "being useful" means. Walls of irrelevant text (your MO) is not being useful in my opinion, but since you do, I will try it.

I understand traditional economic theory. I have studied it and used for a number of decades. I understand that it is an analytical tool that can be used to understand some parts of social interaction and social organization and can help construct policies to improve certain outcomes. I understand that economic theory has its limitations. Finally, I know that there are very few opportunities in the real world where a Pareto improvement (i.e. improving the welfare of some people without harming the welfare of anyone) is possible. Hence, almost every policy involves winners and losers. Which means that assessing the worthiness of such policy means making a political or moral judgment about relative importance of the winners and the losers. Most debates over policy revolve about disagreements the identification of the winners and the loses, and their relative importance.

Markets are a social construct. There are situations where markets are beneficial in my opinion. And, in my opinion, there are situations where markets are harmful.
I do not venerate markets. I do not assume market outcomes are necessarily good.
IMO, helping people survive or achieve a decent standard of living by intervening in market outcomes is not conveying a "special benefit" to them - it is acting in a humane and civilized manner. If it means "the rest of us" bear the cost, then we do. I would prefer that cost be minimized, but I realize that how people view the means by which something is achieved differently. So sometimes we use mechanisms (such as minimum wages or price supports) because they do not confer a stigma to the recipients. In my view, such stigmas (such as your "crybaby economics) are regrettable indicators of pointless moral judgments which hinder potential improvements in social organization and social justice.

Not to mention that we all bear the cost of maintaining a system that keeps people in poverty or near poverty. Too many work full time hours for too little pay and without decent health care, time away from work when ill or simply to rest and have a break. The cost to society is seen in the health care system and in the educational systems, especially.
 
Braess's Paradox

I think it is elegant how free markets often arrive at "correct" prices — prices which lead to resource usage which is most efficient. As a simple example where market mechanisms would be useful: The "external cost" of global warming should be factored into the price of carbon via gasoline and/or carbon taxes. (In the 1990's an alliance of environmentalists and libertarians passed the Clean Air Act which moved in that market-derived direction.) This would reduce the need for the hodge-podge of subsidies and regulations we've ended up with.

HOWEVER, the free market does NOT ALWAYS lead to optimality. In this post I mention a class of exceptions so surprising it is called a mathematical paradox. (These exceptions are very vaguely related to the Prisoner's Dilemma Paradox.)

The paradox is most visible in automobile traffic management. In 1990, traffic sped up the day New York's 42nd street was closed. The concept is applied by real-world traffic engineers, e.g. "A few years ago, traffic planners made the decision to tear down a 6-lane highway in Seoul, South Korea and replace it with a five-mile long park. Many transportation professionals were shocked, but surprised when the traffic congestion actually improved." These road closings might have been impossible if the roads were operated by private entrepreneurs as some libertarians espouse.

... there are very few opportunities in the real world where a Pareto improvement (i.e. improving the welfare of some people without harming the welfare of anyone) is possible. Hence, almost every policy involves winners and losers. Which means that assessing the worthiness of such policy means making a political or moral judgment about relative importance of the winners and the losers. Most debates over policy revolve about disagreements the identification of the winners and the loses, and their relative importance.

Markets are a social construct. There are situations where markets are beneficial in my opinion. And, in my opinion, there are situations where markets are harmful.
I do not venerate markets. I do not assume market outcomes are necessarily good.

I agree with laughing dog's post. But the "case against" markets is even stronger than he implies. There are situations where free markets lead to "solutions" which are worse for everyone!

I bring you ... (drumroll, please) ...  Braess's Paradox. I see that that Wiki page is much larger than the last time I looked; for example someone applied the Paradox to sports and quotes Helenio Herrera about soccer: "With 10 players our team plays better than with 11" Feel free to read the Wiki article and skip the rest of this post, which simply details a particular contrived example of the Paradox.


I'm copying verbatim from my long-ago post on The.Other.Message.Board. I should have embellished the example: pointing out the roads are built into mountain faces and cannot be widened, and that the ferries are expensive because the river is extremely wide at Ableton and Bakersville.

Drivers need to commute from Startburg to Endtown and have two choices.

Option A) They can take the road to Ableton, then the $45 ferry from Ableton to Endtown. A complication is that time is money and the time cost of traveling the road to Ableton varies with traffic: zero if the road is otherwise empty, $40 if all the vehicles traveling from Startburg to Endtown have taken this road, and proportional to the traffic for any amount in between. As we will see, half the traffic will use this road, so its time cost is $20, and the total cost of travel for drivers who use Option A is 20+45 or $65.

Option B) This option is very similar in effect to Option B. Take the $45 ferry from Startburg to Bakersville, then the road from Bakersville to Endtown, which has just the same cost schedule as the road from Startburg to Ableton.

Options A and B are essentially the same so half the traffic will pick (A) at random, for a total cost of $65, the other half will pick (B) for a $65 cost. If the use of (A) rises, its cost will rise while B's cost declines; smart consumers will then cause equilibrium to be restored.

Now an entrepreneur builds a new bridge from Ableton to Bakersville and charges only $2 as toll. The first driver to use this bridge is delighted. He drives to Ableton, losing only $20 in wait time, since half the traffic is still taking the old ferry from Startburg to Bakersville, pays $2 toll on the new bridge, then takes the Bakersville-Endtown road for another $20. Total cost is $42, significantly better than the $65 everyone else pays.

But the other drivers soon figure out the new route and they all take it. Since 100% of the traffic is now using both the Startburg-Ableton road and the Bakersville-Endtown road, each of those roads now costs $40 in wait time. With the $2 toll on the new bridge, the total cost to travel from Startburg to Endtown has gone up to $82, compared with the old $65 cost!

Now, at this point, what decisions do the market participants make? A driver can take the old ferry to Bakersville, but then he still has to travel on the congested Bakersville-Endtown road and ends up spending $85 instead of $82. Similarly, if he takes the old ferry from Ableton he ends up spending $85. Drivers can do no better than $82 or $85, even though they made the trip for $65 before the bridge was built!

And what about the entrepreneur who's operating the bridge? He can increase the toll to $4 and the drivers will still all be better off using his bridge. Drivers would all be better off if none of them took the bridge, but, regardless of other drivers' actions, each driver individually is better off paying $4 to take the bridge.



ETA: Here's a related Wikipedia page:  Downs–Thomson paradox. (I see just now that the dash between Downs and Thomson is a dash, not a hyphen. Is that "standard"? If you type a hyphen instead, Wiki will redirect to the dashed-page.)
 
... Finally, I know that there are very few opportunities in the real world where a Pareto improvement (i.e. improving the welfare of some people without harming the welfare of anyone) is possible. Hence, almost every policy involves winners and losers. ... So sometimes we use mechanisms (such as minimum wages or price supports) because they do not confer a stigma to the recipients. ...
Depends on how you measure welfare and what you mean by possible. A Pareto improvement is theoretically possible pretty much whenever there's a deadweight loss. And there are deadweight losses everywhere there's restraint of trade, which is to say, pretty much everywhere. Getting a Pareto improvement is just a matter of eliminating some deadweight loss and then applying whatever mixture of taxes and subsidies it takes to dole out the resulting gain among the affected parties to make it win-win. When the government is using import quotas to promote some domestic industry, it would do better to simply tax the product and use the money to give a domestic producer a subsidy.

But of course if workers feel stigmatized by their employer receiving subsidies, or if buyers accept high prices from manufacturers but get angry over taxes, what's economically possible and beneficial may become politically impossible or harmful. Economics isn't great at pricing emotions.
 
Controlled by workers? Russian and Chinese communism tried that, both failed. ...
How were the workers there supposed to have done that?

Soviet and Chinese Communism was rule by a centralized, authoritarian party that claimed to be the party of the working people.

BTW, many right-wingers seem a lot like Marxists with their whining about how hard they work and how hard their heroes work. They also believe that there is an exploiting class, though they have a different identification of it than Marxists do. In particular, they claim that governments are exploiters and that taxation is exploitation of the working class.
 
... Finally, I know that there are very few opportunities in the real world where a Pareto improvement (i.e. improving the welfare of some people without harming the welfare of anyone) is possible. Hence, almost every policy involves winners and losers. ... So sometimes we use mechanisms (such as minimum wages or price supports) because they do not confer a stigma to the recipients. ...
Depends on how you measure welfare and what you mean by possible. A Pareto improvement is theoretically possible pretty much whenever there's a deadweight loss. And there are deadweight losses everywhere there's restraint of trade, which is to say, pretty much everywhere. Getting a Pareto improvement is just a matter of eliminating some deadweight loss and then applying whatever mixture of taxes and subsidies it takes to dole out the resulting gain among the affected parties to make it win-win. When the government is using import quotas to promote some domestic industry, it would do better to simply tax the product and use the money to give a domestic producer a subsidy.
Even in theory it is difficult. Take your example. Taxing a product to support a domestic industry creates a deadweight loss to the consumers of the product. In theory, a policy that creates the potential for a Pareto improvement (the benefits to winners exceed the costs to the losers) requires that the losers get sufficiently compensated, otherwise there is no actual Pareto improvement.

But of course if workers feel stigmatized by their employer receiving subsidies, or if buyers accept high prices from manufacturers but get angry over taxes, what's economically possible and beneficial may become politically impossible or harmful.
That is an example where it is not a Pareto improvement because some people are made worse off.

That is why I think it is rare in the real world where a policy is a Pareto improvement: 1) the losers are not compensated in the real world, and 2) emotional judgments make people worse off.
 
Even in theory it is difficult. Take your example. Taxing a product to support a domestic industry creates a deadweight loss to the consumers of the product. In theory, a policy that creates the potential for a Pareto improvement (the benefits to winners exceed the costs to the losers) requires that the losers get sufficiently compensated, otherwise there is no actual Pareto improvement.
Sure; but the point is that taxing the product creates a smaller deadweight loss than had been created by the original import quota. So when you get rid of the quota and impose the tax, the foreign producer reduces prices in order to increase sales. The foreign producer's profits go up due to the increased sales; the former buyers get richer because the price went down more than the tax went up; the domestic producer's profits go up even though the price went down because it's getting the subsidy; all these benefits are ultimately being paid for by the new buyers, but they're better off now too because they're getting a product they used to have to do without because the import quota had been holding down production.

That is why I think it is rare in the real world where a policy is a Pareto improvement: 1) the losers are not compensated in the real world,
But they could be. When you say there are very few opportunities in the real world where a Pareto improvement is possible, that's generally because the Pareto improvements are politically impossible, not because they're economically impossible. This suggests we might do better to focus on reforming our political system to make these improvements politically possible instead of throwing up our hands and saying "Fine, let's just resign ourselves to playing beggar-thy-neighbor".

and 2) emotional judgments make people worse off.
True -- man is not the rational animal. When we raise the minimum wage instead of having the working poor rely on social services because using social services makes recipients feel they're sponging off their neighbors, that isn't a rational reaction. Sponging a penny off of each of a thousand neighbors isn't any spongier than sponging ten dollars off of the one neighbor who got priced out of the job market by the minimum wage hike.
 
Sure; but the point is that taxing the product creates a smaller deadweight loss than had been created by the original import quota. So when you get rid of the quota and impose the tax, the foreign producer reduces prices in order to increase sales. The foreign producer's profits go up due to the increased sales; the former buyers get richer because the price went down more than the tax went up; the domestic producer's profits go up even though the price went down because it's getting the subsidy; all these benefits are ultimately being paid for by the new buyers, but they're better off now too because they're getting a product they used to have to do without because the import quota had been holding down production.
There is no theoretical reason to expect a lower dead weight loss in your example. You have to make specific assumptions about behavior to generate a lower dead-weight loss.

But they could be...
f the losers are not compensated, then there cannot be a Pareto improvement because a Pareto improvement requires that no one is made worse off, not that they could be sufficiently compensate. Moreover, it doesn't matter what the reason(s) are. And they may not be only "political". In your example of substituting a tax for a quote, it may be impossible to identify every possible loser, let alone the amount necessary to compensate them.

If you are arguing that society should use the metric of a potential Pareto Improvement in its consideration of policy, you will get no argument from me. But even with that framework, there are issues. The economics profession debated these issues from the 1920s through the 1970s under the umbrella of "Welfare Economics". Chapter 5 in classis J. Van De Graf's "Theoretical Welfare Economics" gives a good discussion of those issues up to the mid 1960s. Chapter 2 in Per-Olov Johansons "An Introduction to Modern Welfare Economics" (published in 1991) also gives a succinct summary.

and 2) emotional judgments make people worse off.
True -- man is not the rational animal. When we raise the minimum wage instead of having the working poor rely on social services because using social services makes recipients feel they're sponging off their neighbors, that isn't a rational reaction. Sponging a penny off of each of a thousand neighbors isn't any spongier than sponging ten dollars off of the one neighbor who got priced out of the job market by the minimum wage hike.
Human psychology is human psychology. It is pointless to ignore it when dealing with social issues. Like it or not, people make interpersonal judgments. If someone thinks help should be meted out based on their moral metrics on what "deserving" means, then any observed or perceived help to the "undeserving" makes them worse off.
 
Here's part of the blurb The Economist mailed me today. I detest the partisan characterizations ("Your farts stink, but my farts are so very fragrant"), but still thought it might merit mention in this thread.
Our cover this week warns that classical liberalism is under threat. One danger comes from the Trumpian right. The attack from the left is more surprising and harder to grasp. On the face of it illiberal progressives and classical liberals like The Economist want many of the same things. Both believe that people should be able to flourish whatever their sexuality or race. They share a suspicion of authority and entrenched interests. They believe in the desirability of change. And yet the two camps could hardly disagree more over how to make progress. Classical liberals believe that the best way to navigate disruptive change in a divided world is through a universal commitment to individual dignity, open markets and limited government. The illiberal left prefers to enforce ideological purity, by no-platforming their enemies and cancelling allies who have transgressed. The stakes could hardly be higher.

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~

I think the discussion of Pareto perfection is a digression. Deals can be applauded even if a small group suffers slightly. And economic value is VERY hard to measure, especially in the long term. Was the Industrial Revolution "Pareto efficient" in the long run? Maybe. But the absolute number of humans going to bed hungry has never been higher than in recent decades. And climate-change doomsayers believe we're headed for apocalyptic disaster.
 
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