And the purpose of theories of racial intelligence was to rationalize slavery and mistreatment of non-whites. It unscientific purpose has nothing to do with what is true and what the measure reflects. Nothing about how g is measured makes it a measure of a cause rather than an effect. In fact, g is nothing but a statistical outcome on various tests, thus it is only a direct measure of effects and not causes. It is a measure of the common effect of some yet to be clarified cognitive skills on the outcome performance of various cognitive tasks. The question is what are those underlying skills and what impacts their development?, and how does the relative importance of those factors change depending upon whether your talking about variance within groups that share similar environments versus between groups, who often by their very definition as groups differ between groups in their environments more systematically than people within each group does?.
You repeatedly draw conclusions for the last question, claiming, that its genetics and that impact does not differ for various types of group comparisons, even though none of your data ever even speaks to the question.
The article you cited contains this paragraph, briefly laying out the case:
Does higher intelligence beget better educational outcomes?
In longitudinal studies that measure psychometric intelligence first and educational attainments later (thus assessing that causal chain), there is a moderate to strong correlation between the two, as assessed by years spent in full-time education, the highest qualification obtained by a person or the scores obtained on educational assessments.5 [Jencks C . Who Gets Ahead?: The Determinants of Economic Success in America. New York, NY: Basic Books; 1979.] For example, in a study of approximately 70 000 children in the UK, the general factor from the Cognitive Abilities Test (CAT) battery taken at age 11 years correlated about 0.8 with the general factor of grades on the General Certificate of Secondary Education (GCSE) examinations taken at age 16 years.6 [Deary IJ, Strand S, Smith P, Fernandes C . Intelligence and educational achievement. Intelligence 2007;35:13-21.] The general factor of the CAT test had very similar loadings from the three domains of verbal, non-verbal (abstract) and quantitative reasoning. Older studies have reported correlations ranging from 0.60 to 0.96.7–9 [Bouchard TJ . Twins reared together: what they tell us about human diversity. In: Fox SF, editor. Individuality and Determinism. New York: Plenum Publishing Corp; 1984. p. 147-84.; Kemp L . Environmental and other characteristics determining attainments in primary schools. Brit J Edu Psychol 1955;25:67-77.; Wiseman S . Environmental and innate factors and educational attainment. In: Meade J, Parks AS, editors. Genetic and Environmental Factors in Human Ability. London: Oliver and Boyd; 1966. p. 64-79.] The conclusion from such studies might be that intelligence has stronger causal effects on educational results than vice versa.
Note the very important and explicit qualifier in what you quoted. It said, "might" because that conclusion only seems to be supported by a superficial analysis of only the limited subset of studies reviewed in that paragraph. The very next paragraph lays out the case for causal impact of education on IQ.
"The conclusion from such studies might be that education influences the development of intelligence. However, this requires the caveat that the so-called ‘intelligence tests’ should be scrutinized to examine the extent to which they contain materials that appear in the taught curriculum.
So, it is possible that intelligence causes differences in educational outcomes, or that education causes intelligence differences, or a bit of both. Indeed, it is probably more complex than this. Readers can find further detailed consideration of possible non-linear effects of schooling on mental test scores, and the parts played by measurement error in intelligence and education measurement in a rather technical paper by Hansen et al."
The rest of the article goes onto to point out the analytic flaws and assumptions underlying epidemiological work claiming to show evidence of either causal direction, and how more and different types of data and analyses are requires to disentangle the mess of potential causal models capable of producing the non-experimental, correlational data inherent to all of these studies.
The idea that you are approaching this topic objectively and non-politically is undermined by your cherry-picking of the one paragraph in an 8 page paper that generally refutes your position that one causal direction is "known" while the other is "only speculation".
This evidence should be considered on top of the foundational knowledge that intelligence variations are mostly heritable, a point known from twin studies and a point also acknowledged by that article, implying: if education can change IQ, there is a small upper limit of that effect due to the much larger influence of genetic variations.
IOW, the centerpiece of your argument is the statistical fallacy that underlies almost all your arguments about IQ, namely your assumption that whatever determines the majority of variance at the individual level must be what is responsible for group-level differences. I have explained to you multiple times why this is false, so I won't bother with it again. But besides that, your "mostly heritable" claim is not true. The article cites that the estimate for genetics on childhood IQ is "< 50%", which means it is mostly environmental during the childhood years where education is occurring and where IQ and both amount of level and quality of education would be influencing each other. Regardless, "mostly" is irrelevant, because their is more than enough variance for genes and environment for either to be the primary determinant of group-level differences, which need not be and often are not due to the same proportion of causes responsible with within group or overall variance.