The ARU had won a strike a few months earlier against the Great Northern Railway Company. ... When the ARU gathered in Chicago in June for its first annual convention, the Pullman strike was an issue on the delegates' minds.
A great deal of sympathy existed in Chicago and elsewhere for the Pullman workers, who were seen as common men and women tyrannized by an abusive employer and landlord. The question was how the ARU could support the workers, who, after all, did not exactly work on the railroads. One plan was to refuse to hitch Pullman cars to trains and to unhitch those that were already attached. Another idea was a boycott: ...
Crucial to the success of any boycott would be the switchmen, who had joined the ARU in large numbers. The ARU's president, Eugene V. Debs, predicted that, once the switchmen refused to add or remove Pullman cars from trains, the railroads would fire them and try to replace them with nonunion workers, and that in turn would lead other union members to walk out in solidarity, thus bringing more and more trains to a halt.
The scenario played out as Debs had predicted. On June 27, 5,000 workers left their jobs and 15 railroads were tied up. By the next day, 40,000 had walked off, and rail traffic was snarled on all lines west of Chicago. On the third day, the number of strikers had climbed to 100,000, and at least 20 lines were either tied up or completely stopped. By June 30, 125,000 workers on 29 railroads had quit work rather than handle Pullman cars. The ARU had few locals in the East or the Deep South, but the boycott seemed remarkably effective everywhere else.
Debs may have been pleased by the effectiveness of the boycott, but he was also alarmed by the anger expressed by the workers, which he feared could lead to violence. During the first week of the boycott he sent some 4,000 telegrams, hundreds every day, urging the ARU locals to stay calm and not to overreact.
On June 29 Debs spoke at a large and peaceful gathering in Blue Island, Illinois, to gather support from fellow railroad workers. After he left, however, groups within the crowd became enraged, set fire to nearby buildings, and derailed a locomotive. Unfortunately for the strikers, the locomotive was attached to a U.S. mail train. That greatly upset Pres. Grover Cleveland in that the strike had now prevented the federal government from exercising one of its most-important responsibilities.
... Debs continued to urge restraint, but it was no use. Radical union organizers were silenced.... Debs, who had been trying to prevent violence, could no longer even send telegrams advising against it.
President Cleveland ordered troops into Chicago; Governor Altgeld was outraged and immediately wired the president, saying, "Surely the facts have not been correctly presented to you in this case, or you would not have taken the step, for it seems to me unjustifiable." Despite Altgeld's repeated protests, Cleveland continued to send troops, even though the state militia seemed quite capable of handling the situation.
Worried that, given the terms of the injunction, he could no longer exercise any control over the strikers, Debs at first welcomed the troops, thinking that they might maintain order and allow the strike and boycott to proceed peacefully. But it soon became clear that the troops were not neutral peacekeepers; they were there to make sure that the trains moved, which would inevitably undermine the boycott. The strikers reacted with fury to the appearance of the troops. ... 6,000 rioters destroyed hundreds of railcars in the South Chicago Panhandle yards.