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Merged Gaza just launched an unprovoked attack on Israel

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Israel is facing intensifying international condemnation for its killing of starving Palestinian civilians in Gaza, and its attacks on humanitarian efforts, as the UN secretary general, António Guterres, said the “last lifelines keeping people alive [in the strip] are collapsing”.

An angry chorus of senior figures, among them the UK foreign secretary, David Lammy, and a senior Catholic cleric, expressed on Tuesday a growing sense of global horror over Israel’s actions.

“I spoke again with [the Israeli foreign minister] Gideon Saar to recall our understanding on aid flow and made clear that IDF [Israel Defense Forces] must stop killing people at distribution points,” the EU’s foreign policy chief, Kaja Kallas, wrote on X. “The killing of civilians seeking aid in Gaza is indefensible.

”She said “all options were on the table” if Israel does not deliver on aid pledges, but did not say what those options included.

According to UN officials on Tuesday, more than 1,000 desperate Palestinians have been killed by Israeli forces since the end of May trying to reach food distributions run by the controversial US- and Israel-backed Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF) amid widening conditions of starvation in the Palestinian territory.
 

Because we don’t outsource justice to terrorist organizations. You’re letting Hamas’s prisoner list stand in for trial, evidence, and due process — all while claiming moral superiority. If Israel rounded up 12-year-olds for throwing rocks and Hamas asked for their release, would you still say, “Well, Hamas must know best”? You don’t get to claim you’re fighting for justice while outsourcing guilt to hostage negotiators.
You're not making sense here as I'm not suggesting Hamas is going to apply any punishment to them. (Although there's one they named who has refused release--caught up in the Hamas/Fatah issue, he expects he would be executed if released.)

Then say it when it happens. Don’t hide behind “but Hamas is worse.” The point isn’t denying Hamas’s crimes — it’s demanding consistency. If you acknowledge that state violence can be terrorism, then don’t wave it away when it targets ambulances, journalists, or apartment blocks full of civilians. Moral clarity doesn’t only apply when it’s easy.
Terrorism is the deliberate targeting of civilians. You still have no established that this has happened. You list supposed civilians, you do not demonstrate they are. And you make up completely fictional ones like apartment blocks full of civilians.

No, I want conditions where Palestinians aren’t starved, shelled, and erased because you think cruelty is the only language Hamas understands. You keep pretending that reducing suffering equals appeasing terrorists. But if your only tool is siege, you’re not targeting Hamas — you’re targeting everyone in reach of your discomfort.
Hamas is the one starving them.

Sure. And Geneva punishes them for that. But it doesn’t give Israel legal or moral permission to ignore all other protections. Perfidy isn’t a legal nuke. It doesn’t dissolve civilian status like acid. If it did, the entire framework of the laws of war would be obsolete the moment one side broke the rules.
You keep claiming protections that do not exist.
That’s not logic. That’s convenient amnesia. One false photo doesn’t erase satellite-documented burial sites, mass casualty reports by Doctors Without Borders, or UN teams recovering bodies from collapsed homes. You just want an excuse to say “nothing counts” because something once didn’t.
DWB is simply repeating Hamas. UN teams most likely work for Hamas.
The entire British Mandate system was pressure. Evictions. Armed escorts for land transfers. Suppression of Arab revolt while Zionist militias trained. You can’t separate purchases from the colonial structure that made resistance nearly impossible. That’s like calling a foreclosure neutral while armed sheriffs drag a family out.
And how does dragging someone out in a foreclosure make it not neutral?
That’s not what was offered. Arafat didn’t walk away from demilitarization — he walked away from a patchwork of disconnected bantustans, zero border control, and Israeli veto power over everything from airspace to trade. If you can’t see the difference between sovereignty and supervised autonomy, no wonder you think walking away was sabotage.
He could have counter-offered on territory. There's no way to ensure it's demilitarized short of controlling the border, that was inevitable.

No. My answer is accountability, restraint, and the rejection of collective punishment. You hear that and scream genocide because your worldview has fused Palestinian dignity with existential threat. That’s why you can’t distinguish between moral decency and enemy propaganda — to you, they’re the same.
To reject something you must first establish it's happening--and you most clearly do not understand what Geneva means by "collective punishment".
What won’t bring peace is your formula: treat an entire people as pawns, define justice by who has the most firepower, and call every plea for humanity a Hamas talking point.
Because the pleas for "humanity" are for problems caused by Hamas.
That’s not clarity, Lauren. That’s surrender to the logic of endless war — and you’re dressing it up as realism because you’re afraid to face what it really is.
I expect it to be basically an endless war. The thing is Hamas does not have agency, the big decisions are being made elsewhere. In theory Hamas could revolt--but they would lose everything, most likely die, and the money would go to some other organization, there would not be a big change.
 

This isn’t Hogwarts, Lauren. The Geneva Conventions aren’t incantations — they’re the legal boundaries between war and barbarism. You wave off starvation of civilians as if it’s just tough love. But when you justify cutting off aid because Hamas might use it somewhere, that’s not targeting — it’s siege warfare designed to grind civilians down. That’s what “collective punishment” means. If you have a better term for starving children to weaken a regime, by all means — let’s hear it.
You are treating them as incantations.

And it's not about Hamas might use it somewhere, it's about Hamas is using it to control Gaza.




That's what's going on.
First: yes, we do have the ability to evaluate proportionality. We do it all the time — post-strike assessments, satellite imagery, hospital and morgue reports, survivor testimony. You act like proportionality is unknowable unless we can pull up an Excel sheet with body counts and blast radii. But law doesn’t demand omniscience — it demands restraint based on foreseeable outcomes.
No. You have no way of evaluating military advantage. One number of an equation is an unknown, the answer is unknown.

And since you asked: yes. On multiple occasions, strikes on residential buildings killed entire families, including infants. Don’t play dumb. You’ve seen the footage. You just don’t count it unless Hamas delivers notarized proof of intent.
Showing a strike on a residential building is not showing that the strike was not on Hamas.

As for Hamas shooting people trying to flee — yes, they do that. It’s a war crime. But it doesn’t erase the obligation to avoid turning apartment blocks into coffins. Two wrongs don’t make a proportionality waiver.
Yes, it does. Israel is obligated to give warnings when possible. Israel is not obligated to prevent Hamas from getting Gazans killed. Those deaths are on Hamas, not on Israel--but you blame Israel anyway, so Hamas does it again. You (collectively) are responsible for the horrors in Gaza. You are Hamas' primary weapon.

No, Lauren — I’m referencing the standard. The one your side claims to follow. The one enshrined in international law, not dreamt up by me. You treat anything that makes Israel accountable as a foreign imposition, when it’s the legal baseline every military is expected to uphold. If your only response to accountability is “unfair standard,” maybe it’s not the standard that needs changing.
Hamas does wrong, you blame Israel. Therefore Hamas does more wrong.
You’ve “shown” nothing but distrust. UN agencies, Amnesty, Human Rights Watch, Doctors Without Borders — all dismissed by you because they’re inconvenient. Meanwhile, every IDF statement is taken as gospel unless they apologize, in which case you say they’re apologizing too easily. That’s not consistency. That’s a rhetorical bunker.
It's a simple test: Any organization that claimed to be verifying but missed the garbage wasn't verifying. And that's all of them.

As for Amnesty International:




And yes — “lack of proper verification” has meaning. It means bombing a known civilian site with weak or no evidence of military use. It means bombing after coordinates were shared to prevent exactly that. It means mistaking “Hamas might be nearby” for “fire away.” You call those people human shields. The law calls them civilians. You just don’t want to face what that means.
You continue to take Hamas' words as absolute truth.

You keep defending a framework where any moral restraint is a liability, any civilian death is either propaganda or someone else’s fault, and every legal standard is dismissed unless it exonerates your side.
Israel doesn't blame Hamas for all the civilian deaths. But an awful lot of them are because Hamas was using human shields. And the death of a human shield is on the side that used them.
That’s not realism. That’s moral insurance fraud — signing every airstrike with a shrug and calling it “the cost of war,” as long as the receipts don’t pile up on your doorstep.
The thing is Israel is doing a very good job of separating civilian from Hamas. The death toll tells us that. Look north: Israel went after Hezbollah. Hezbollah doesn't do much with human shields, Israel got around 90% combatants. Gaza, Hamas makes heavy use of human shields, let's figure Israel aims equally well (same army, same techniques, I would expect a similar performance), let's pretend the Hamas numbers are truth: That leaves us with 95% of the casualties being due to Hamas, not Israel.


You keep pointing to Hamas’s corruption of aid (“they’re siphoning funds to pay their cadres” ) as if it magically clears every barbed-wire blockade and airstrike you defend. Yes, Hamas diverts resources to cement its grip — the Washington Post lays out how its financial crisis forces it to seize more civilian assets. But international law doesn’t say “because the enemy is criminal, you can collectively starve their population.” It demands you still find some way to get food, medicine, and water to those who didn’t vote for Hamas. Starvation-by-blockade is collective punishment, pure and simple.

You claim we can’t evaluate proportionality without perfect knowledge of military gain. But the law never required “Excel-grade precision,” only a good-faith estimate of advantage versus harm. Every air force in history has done post-strike assessments via satellite imagery, signal intercepts, and on-the-ground reports to judge whether a target was worth the civilian risk. Refusing to even try because one variable is unknown is moral abdication, not realism.

You show footage of a collapsed apartment and say “that doesn’t prove Hamas wasn’t there.” True – absence of evidence isn’t evidence of absence. But it is evidence that civilians died. And under international humanitarian law, civilian death requires proof of military necessity, not a presumption of guilt because “Hamas might have been there.” Every family wiped out under a home you could have avoided still counts as a civilian loss.

You argue two wrongs make a right: “Yes, Hamas shot people fleeing, so Israel’s hammerfall is justified.” No. Two wrongs never erase legal duties. Warnings before attacks are an obligation; mitigating civilian harm is an obligation; seeking alternatives is an obligation. Blaming Hamas for creating human shields doesn’t cancel Israel’s responsibility for turning those shields into coffins.

You assert, “Hamas does wrong, I blame Israel, therefore Hamas does more wrong.” That’s circular. Acknowledging one side’s atrocity isn’t an excuse to ignore the other’s. You can—and must—hold both accountable: Hamas for its terror, and Israel for its tactics that kill civilians en masse. Moral clarity demands both.

You’ve “proven” Amnesty and HRW are incompetent because they missed some bad data. So every organization you don’t like is now disqualified? That’s selective skepticism. If one UN report errs on a registration field, must we discard every assessment of mass graves, displaced civilians, and famine warnings? No—accuracy isn’t perfection, it’s consistency across methods and sources.

You accuse me of “taking Hamas’s words as truth.” I don’t. I cross-check NGO reports, satellite imagery, IDF admissions, and independent journalists. True belief in nothing but Hamas would be easier. Instead, I’m wrestling with all the evidence, while you merely dismiss anything that upsets your narrative.

Finally, you point to Hezbollah in Lebanon: 90% combatant casualties under Israeli fire versus Gaza’s higher civilian toll, and conclude that means 95% of Gaza’s deaths are Hamas’s fault. Statistical games don’t replace accountability. Every life lost in Gaza is still a life. You can’t wave away thousands of civilian deaths by blaming their very presence on Hamas’s tactics. Collateral damage is not an identity tag.

War may force terrible choices, but law and morality exist to restrain even necessary force. If “realism” means erasing every standard that protects civilians whenever the enemy hides among them, then we’ve already lost. And no ratio, no tweet, no battlefield spreadsheet can justify that surrender.

NHC
 

Because we don’t outsource justice to terrorist organizations. You’re letting Hamas’s prisoner list stand in for trial, evidence, and due process — all while claiming moral superiority. If Israel rounded up 12-year-olds for throwing rocks and Hamas asked for their release, would you still say, “Well, Hamas must know best”? You don’t get to claim you’re fighting for justice while outsourcing guilt to hostage negotiators.
You're not making sense here as I'm not suggesting Hamas is going to apply any punishment to them. (Although there's one they named who has refused release--caught up in the Hamas/Fatah issue, he expects he would be executed if released.)

Then say it when it happens. Don’t hide behind “but Hamas is worse.” The point isn’t denying Hamas’s crimes — it’s demanding consistency. If you acknowledge that state violence can be terrorism, then don’t wave it away when it targets ambulances, journalists, or apartment blocks full of civilians. Moral clarity doesn’t only apply when it’s easy.
Terrorism is the deliberate targeting of civilians. You still have no established that this has happened. You list supposed civilians, you do not demonstrate they are. And you make up completely fictional ones like apartment blocks full of civilians.

No, I want conditions where Palestinians aren’t starved, shelled, and erased because you think cruelty is the only language Hamas understands. You keep pretending that reducing suffering equals appeasing terrorists. But if your only tool is siege, you’re not targeting Hamas — you’re targeting everyone in reach of your discomfort.
Hamas is the one starving them.

Sure. And Geneva punishes them for that. But it doesn’t give Israel legal or moral permission to ignore all other protections. Perfidy isn’t a legal nuke. It doesn’t dissolve civilian status like acid. If it did, the entire framework of the laws of war would be obsolete the moment one side broke the rules.
You keep claiming protections that do not exist.
That’s not logic. That’s convenient amnesia. One false photo doesn’t erase satellite-documented burial sites, mass casualty reports by Doctors Without Borders, or UN teams recovering bodies from collapsed homes. You just want an excuse to say “nothing counts” because something once didn’t.
DWB is simply repeating Hamas. UN teams most likely work for Hamas.
The entire British Mandate system was pressure. Evictions. Armed escorts for land transfers. Suppression of Arab revolt while Zionist militias trained. You can’t separate purchases from the colonial structure that made resistance nearly impossible. That’s like calling a foreclosure neutral while armed sheriffs drag a family out.
And how does dragging someone out in a foreclosure make it not neutral?
That’s not what was offered. Arafat didn’t walk away from demilitarization — he walked away from a patchwork of disconnected bantustans, zero border control, and Israeli veto power over everything from airspace to trade. If you can’t see the difference between sovereignty and supervised autonomy, no wonder you think walking away was sabotage.
He could have counter-offered on territory. There's no way to ensure it's demilitarized short of controlling the border, that was inevitable.

No. My answer is accountability, restraint, and the rejection of collective punishment. You hear that and scream genocide because your worldview has fused Palestinian dignity with existential threat. That’s why you can’t distinguish between moral decency and enemy propaganda — to you, they’re the same.
To reject something you must first establish it's happening--and you most clearly do not understand what Geneva means by "collective punishment".
What won’t bring peace is your formula: treat an entire people as pawns, define justice by who has the most firepower, and call every plea for humanity a Hamas talking point.
Because the pleas for "humanity" are for problems caused by Hamas.
That’s not clarity, Lauren. That’s surrender to the logic of endless war — and you’re dressing it up as realism because you’re afraid to face what it really is.
I expect it to be basically an endless war. The thing is Hamas does not have agency, the big decisions are being made elsewhere. In theory Hamas could revolt--but they would lose everything, most likely die, and the money would go to some other organization, there would not be a big change.

You treat Hamas’s hostage list as if it alone settles guilt—and that isn’t neutrality, it’s abdication. Guilt requires evidence, trial and due process, not a public relations demand from a terrorist organization.

You insist Israel never deliberately targets civilians, yet marked ambulances, schools and apartment blocks have been struck again and again without adequate warning or independent verification. International law doesn’t let an attacker presume every casualty was a combatant; it demands the attacker prove military necessity.

Yes, Hamas cadres have siphoned off UN food convoys to fund their payroll. But criminal diversion by one party doesn’t give Israel license to seal bakeries and block all relief. Treating every aid truck as suspect and starving an entire population is siege warfare—collective punishment, not self-defense.

Dismissal of Doctors Without Borders, UN relief teams and other NGOs as “just parroting Hamas” ignores how these organizations operate under neutrality mandates and field-verified mandates. Rejecting all humanitarian reports because a few errors slipped through is willful ignorance, not critical thinking.

Buying land under the British Mandate wasn’t akin to modern real-estate deals. It depended on colonial courts backed by armed enforcement and disenfranchised local owners. Foreclosure by armed sheriff isn’t neutral—it weaponizes the law against the vulnerable.

Camp David and Taba offered fragmented cantons under Israeli veto, permanent settlements and no genuine border control. That wasn’t a viable basis for statehood but a gilded cage. Walking away from that phantom “state” was refusing to surrender, not evidence of sabotaging peace.

Calling for the protection of civilians after hospitals, markets and refugee camps are struck isn’t sympathy for terrorists; it’s insisting that the laws of war apply even to the side with the bigger guns. Humanity doesn’t become a “Hamas talking point” simply because the other side would rather ignore it.

You argue Hamas lacks real agency and claim it’s all Iran’s proxy—but whether external actors fund or arm them, the decision to bomb, besiege and blockade remains Israel’s policy. Blaming someone else for your own choices surrenders both moral and political agency—and lets cruelty become the default.

These aren’t loopholes you can pick and choose; they’re guardrails meant to stop war from devouring its own justification. If every atrocity can be excused as “the enemy started it,” you’ve already lost the moral ground you claim to defend.

NHC
 
I question Israel's motivation for doing so. They have about as much business in Syria as Russia does in Ukraine.
That's nonsense.
Israel has been the target of multiple attacks, including missile strikes, from Syria.
Ukraine has done no such thing to Russia.
Tom
Israel's justification is to protect the Druze population in Syria, similar to Russia's justification to protect Russian speaking population within Ukraine.
 
I don't like to get into these arguments because I don't think they accomplish a thing, but I will gift an article written by an Israeli who, not only served in the IDF, but is an expert on genocide. I think he knows a lot more than those of you who refuse to believe that Israel's actions equate with genocide and I hope that some of you will at least read what he has to say and what he bases his opinion on. I'm quoting just a small portion of the article where this scholar makes his case.
And proceeds to repeat Hamas propaganda.
Bullshit! You don't want to know the truth, so you keep defending Nettie's cruelty. An expert on genocide who fought for the IDF called what's happening genocide. What would he know compared to all of you experts!! /s That's all I want to say because trying to help convince people to open their eyes and realize what's going on is a waste of time.
 
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Israel’s One-State Reality

Reading this article really changed my perception of the conflict. It retrospect it shouldn't have, because it was obvious all along, I was just too stupid to notice.

I would like for those here more supportive of Israel to read it and comment on it.
They're bonkers. A one-state solution is not viable.
Did you read te article? It primarily argues that Israel and the Palestinian territories are de facto one state because Israel controls all of the land between the river and the sea. It is however not a state in which all inhabitants enjoy equal rights.
 
Israel’s One-State Reality

Reading this article really changed my perception of the conflict. It retrospect it shouldn't have, because it was obvious all along, I was just too stupid to notice.

I would like for those here more supportive of Israel to read it and comment on it.
I only had to get as far as:

"a Greater Israel defined not just as a Jewish state but one in which the law enshrines Jewish supremacy over all Palestinians who remain there."
to stop caring that it's behind a paywall.

There's plenty of anti-Jewish bigotry in the UN, Western media, and this thread to be more than sufficient.
Tom
Really? You think the article is antisemitic?
And you think it's not???
In which way do you think it is antisemitic? It criticizes the Israeli government and the Israeli state. It does not bash Jews.
 
I too support a secular, liberal democratic single state between the river and the sea as the resolution of the conflict.
But how is that going to happen? One state = Palestinian Majority, the biggest power blocks want genocide. Why do you think a secular, liberal single state is possible?
Have you ever looked at Israeli public opinion polls?

Nearly half of Jewish Israelis want to expel Arabs, survey shows

Or listened to Netanyahu's statements?

Benjamin Netanyahu says Israel is ‘not a state of all its citizens’

Look at your own country. If a politician said that the US is not a state for all of its citizens, it would cause an outrage. Why would you apply different criteria for Israel?

The two-state solution will not resolve the refugee question, will not solve the Jerusalem question, and will not solve the territorial question, because the two sides have mutually incompatible claims. A one-state solution (that is, a democratic, equal one-state solution) solves these questions, and is also more democratic, because it is not ethnically based. It would simply be a state for all of its citizens equally.
 
Why do you think a secular, liberal single state is possible?
A secular, liberal single state is always possible, as long as its constitution contains strong protections for secularism that cannot be changed without a supermajority.

Your idea that a simple majority can and will always impose their religion on the rest of any democratic nation is particularly absurd given that you live in the USA, which provides a flawed but obvious counterexample.

A single, secular, liberal state can be designed to withstand concerted efforts to turn it into a theocracy by anyone. The US has done so (mostly) despite the monomania and enthusiasm typical of religious extremists. Why couldn't Israel?
 

Lauren, every answer you’ve given is just another shell game — shifting definitions, cherry-picked outrage, and excuses dressed up as clarity. Let’s walk through this:

You keep calling legal principles “magic” because they don’t suit your narrative. Collective punishment isn’t a spell — it’s a term with legal weight. You can’t bomb bakeries and block baby formula because you’re mad at the local government and then pretend the suffering was just a coincidence. That’s not justice. That’s retribution in denial.
I don't call legal principles magic, I'm calling your use of them akin to magic--you throw out terms as if they have some relevance to the situation.

First, you need to show that bakeries are being bombed and that Israel is blocking baby formula.

You can claim historical inflation, but the core facts remain: unarmed civilians were deliberately killed. Even Israeli military records and survivors admitted to executions. You don’t get to rewrite history by saying “people exaggerated later” and using that to excuse what even your own sources once called a massacre.
Executions? We have one guy who did so at Dier Yassin--and nobody's saying he didn't do a bad thing.

Fundamentally, it's what will sometimes happen when a force dresses as civilians. Ugly, but that's why Geneva makes such a case about fighting in uniform.

That’s not how negotiations work — or law. If you’re expanding settlements during peace talks, you’re not negotiating, you’re annexing. “We didn’t think it would work” isn’t an excuse for unilateral land grabs. That’s like showing up to a peace meeting with a bulldozer and then saying the other side wasn’t serious.
Israel knows the other side isn't serious. The game was to get concessions out of Israel for simply talking and Israel wouldn't go along with that.

So your issue isn’t their facts — it’s their framing? That’s not discrediting. That’s admitting the evidence is sound and just being uncomfortable with what it shows. If you don’t like that a bodyguard not shooting is still listed as a civilian, make your case — don’t toss the whole record like it’s fiction.
You could call it "framing" but it's deliberate deception. I consider that tantamount to lying. And how can you even think the bodyguard is a civilian?

You’re not treating it as an unknown — you’re treating it as irrelevant. Geneva gives children special protection because child combatants are often coerced, not because they carry paperwork proving innocence. You’re using vague demographic trends to treat all male teens as threats. That’s not security. That’s profiling with a rifle.
What special protections are you referring to? Geneva demands that children not be used as combatants, but doesn't impose any burden on an army that faces child combatants. And the trend is not vague. At the population level a graph like that is quite damning.

You claim logic, but your logic is simple: if there’s no name tag on the sniper, Hamas must have done it to frame Israel. That’s not logic. That’s just refusal to even consider accountability. Meanwhile, observers like Breaking the Silence — Israeli veterans — say otherwise. But their testimony doesn’t count to you either, does it?
No, you have it backwards. We have no ID, you are baaing for Hamas in unquestioningly accepting that the unknown is Israel. I'm saying we have no proof of identity, so look at who would benefit, who would be able to do it, what did the person pulling the trigger hope to accomplish? In every case that points at Hamas, not Israel.

Hamas’s demands are absolutely unacceptable. That’s not the debate. The debate is: does Israel’s total war strategy offer a viable alternative? Because flattening Gaza hasn’t brought the hostages home either — and it’s buried thousands of people in the process. If your only response to hostage-taking is siege and starvation, you’re not saving lives. You’re burying more.
It's brought some of them home, it's greatly reduced their ability to take more.
There’s video after video of kids, medics, journalists, and unarmed demonstrators being picked off hundreds of feet from any threat. You call that justified because some climbed a fence. That’s like justifying a massacre because someone pushed a gate open. You’re defending live ammunition against people carrying flags and signs. That’s not border defense. That’s the logic of occupation.
And you know it was the IDF doing the picking off how? And you say "flags and signs"--no, "unarmed" over there means anything below firearms.

Lauren, you keep demanding moral clarity while twisting every standard to suit a single goal: whatever Israel does must be justified, and whatever Palestinians suffer must be someone else’s fault. That’s not clarity. That’s moral surrender repackaged as strategy. You want to win the argument — I want people to stop dying. That’s the difference.
Because I recognize what's happening--Hamas gets people killed so you'll blame Israel. And if you want people to stop dying quit being a Hamas weapon.
 
But you automatically blame Israel and ignore what they are reacting to. And since it's not about blaming Israel we can be reasonably confident the images are true.
I question Israel's motivation for doing so. They have about as much business in Syria as Russia does in Ukraine.
As I said, you are automatically blaming Israel. The Druze are like the Jews, a persecuted minority. As such, they have been friendly with Israel.
 
The debate is: does Israel’s total war strategy offer a viable alternative?
So what is your alternative to
1) returning, retreiving the remaining hostages?
2) Ensuring that Hamas cannot, does not attack Israel again?
3) Making that that Hamas cannot remain in control of Gaza and enslave the Gazans all over again?
4) Continue to look for the keys under the Israeli streetlight.
 

You say they clearly “can get stuff out” because of some atrocity videos, so the absence of full famine or mass grave footage must mean it’s fake.
They continue to post videos. We keep seeing them. Thus they could post video of pretty much any static atrocity.

That’s not logic, Loren — it’s convenience. You’re demanding a pristine media pipeline from a population being starved, bombed, and surveilled 24/7. A society where journalists are killed, hospitals are shelled, and power is intermittent isn’t going to upload trauma on your schedule. Your threshold for belief is calibrated not for truth, but for denial. If horror isn’t edited and broadcast to your liking, you decide it never happened. That’s not skepticism. That’s the shield you hold up to avoid responsibility.
Other video continues to be posted.
You say “10% is fog of war” when Israel misreports, but eternal condemnation for Hamas.
I'm saying that 10% is measurement error, not fabrication.

So you accept errors when they come from your preferred side but build entire moral frameworks out of your enemies’ worst lies. That’s not moral consistency — that’s rigged accounting. “Fog of war” doesn’t apply only to governments you like. It applies across the board. And if you’re going to invoke it for Israel, then have the intellectual integrity to apply it to Palestinian sources too — or admit you’ve made your choice and are just defending the scoreboard now.
The Israeli errors go in both directions. Hamas is always crazy high. Until this war a reasonable approximation would be Hamas numbers/10.

You declare a child imaginary if there’s no video.
I declare them imaginary if there should be video.
How did we get to the point where a child dying beneath rubble is “not real” unless there’s HD footage of their final breath? What standard of journalism requires war zone morgues to livestream for your approval? Not all stories are visible. Not all victims are documented. That’s exactly why international law uses patterns of destruction — not Instagram posts — as evidence. You’ve let your skepticism turn into emotional anesthesia.
Can you pay attention rather than throw out random words? The issue was supposed starvation--that's not under rubble. Video should exist.

You say you dismiss groups that don’t “note the garbage.”

Translation: you dismiss any group that doesn’t reach your conclusion. That’s not methodological critique — that’s ideological filtering. If HRW or Amnesty reports Israeli violations, you reject them wholesale. If the IDF tweets something, you trust it like scripture. That’s not scrutiny. That’s selective obedience to whoever tells you what you want to hear.
No. I dismiss any group that makes blatant errors and won't correct them when they're pointed out. The IDF statements hold up over time pretty well.

You say proportionality is a “magic word.”

No — it’s law. And it means the military value of a target must justify foreseeable civilian harm. It doesn’t matter if Hamas was nearby. If the IDF levels a building and dozens of civilians die, they have to show the strike wasn’t just legally targeted — but also militarily necessary and restrained. That’s not magic. That’s how civilized nations distinguish themselves from the very actors you claim to oppose. You keep waving away proportionality because you know it doesn’t clear your side’s actions — and you’d rather mock it than wrestle with it.
I'm saying you are using it as a magic word. You keep invoking it as some magical proof Israel is wrong despite having no ability to actually measure it.

You say the refugee camp fire was Hamas’s fault.

Even if that’s true in one case, it doesn’t erase the pattern. Camps have been bombed repeatedly. UN shelters hit. Schools collapsed. Ambulances targeted. Are those all Hamas accidents too? You can’t keep handing out blame exemptions every time the numbers get uncomfortable.
Most of them are because Hamas was using them.

And the refugee camp fire wasn't a Hamas accident, it was them storing explosives near the camp. Israel hit the people in the building, the explosives went up.

You say “look at the father” when whole families die.

So now parentage justifies mass death? If one person in the house is Hamas, everyone becomes expendable? That’s not counterterrorism. That’s vendetta. That’s how law collapses into vengeance. The IDF isn’t supposed to act like Hamas. But by your logic, guilt is contagious and due process is optional — if it makes the operation easier.
No. I'm saying that when whole families die it's mostly the families of Hamas top people. Hitting them at home minimizes civilian casualties.

You say I accept any “scrutiny” that blames Israel.

No — I accept that when hundreds of independent bodies, including Israeli ones, report the same patterns of abuse, it’s not propaganda. It’s evidence. You just can’t stomach where that evidence leads, so you brand it all as enemy lies. That’s not moral discernment — it’s deflection.
Goebbels.

You end by saying I’m creating more dead children by pointing to the dead.

That’s the ugliest inversion of all. You’re defending a strategy that levels homes and starves civilians, and blaming people who notice. I don’t create the corpses, Loren — I refuse to look away from them. You, on the other hand, are so desperate to win the argument that you’ve turned grief into a sin and accountability into treason. That’s not justice. That’s moral collapse disguised as tough talk.
It's not an inversion at all. You see the dead bodies, you blame Israel. Hamas creates more dead bodies so you'll blame Israel more.
 
You are misinformed. According to the UN, among children, the proportion of malnourished had almost doubled since March.

You have provided no evidence to support your counterfactual explanations.
Since you seem to think the UN is a credible source of information it's clear you are misinformed. I've gone into a long explanation with NHC over this--any group that supposedly verified the data yet missed the obvious stuff Israel caught did not actually verify the data--and thus everything else should also be assumed to be Hamas propaganda.
WTF are you going on about? The UN is reporting their results after seeing and treating children during a month (about 15,000).

The UN is there, reporting numbers. You are in the US making baseless assumptions. Whatever credibility the UN has or not, it is better than yours.
I guess you haven't been following closely enough.

Quite some time ago Israel pointed out about 4k of already-dead people and obviously false people. Nobody removed them from their lists of the dead. Therefore, it's clear that nobody gives a hoot if the data is accurate, they just parrot Hamas. Hamas eventually removed a bunch of them from their lists--but the death toll didn't drop one iota because of that. Clearly they just made up better fakes.
 

You say there were more grieving families in other wars, as if that’s a meaningful rebuttal.
The point is you are not making any sort of reasonable comparison here.
You say I’m after a “fantasy solution.”
Yes, you are. Your "answer" is just pretend you can end the war.
No — I’m after a moral compass. You frame any call for restraint as naïveté because you’ve resigned yourself to a world where atrocity is inevitable and therefore excusable. You’ve mistaken despair for realism. But normalization of civilian death isn’t wisdom. It’s moral surrender dressed up as pragmatism.

You say peace won’t happen, only war.
Yes, I accept that the war is going to continue as Iran isn't interested in peace. Pretending you can just end it will only drive you to stupid answers.

Then say it plainly: you’ve given up. Your framework assumes endless cycles of siege, bombing, and suffering are the only tools left. You talk about 10/7 as if it sanctifies any response, no matter the toll — but that logic only guarantees more war, more dead children, more “unfortunate” statistics. And when the next 10/7 comes — because your model breeds nothing but retribution — you’ll hold up the numbers again and say, “See? At least we did it better.”
Your model breeds nothing but more 10/7s.

You say I don’t understand that not prosecuting this war brings more violence.

No, I understand it perfectly. But you think prosecuting the war like this is the only option. Flattening neighborhoods, starving civilians, treating the wounded like enemy assets — this isn’t counterterrorism. It’s collective degradation. You can fight Hamas without abandoning every principle that claims to separate you from them. But you’ve accepted that the line can be blurred as long as the kill ratio is efficient.
You continue with the magic words.

You call my position emotional, but it’s yours that runs on fear. Fear that decency is weakness. Fear that restraint is surrender. Fear that anything short of overwhelming force is an invitation to be hurt again. But fear isn’t strategy. And mass death isn’t a necessary cost. It’s a choice — one you’re defending not because it’s right, but because you’ve forgotten there was ever another way.
It's a recognition of reality, not fear. You just decree there's an answer and that it must come from Israel giving up.
 
You are misinformed. According to the UN, among children, the proportion of malnourished had almost doubled since March.

You have provided no evidence to support your counterfactual explanations.
Since you seem to think the UN is a credible source of information it's clear you are misinformed. I've gone into a long explanation with NHC over this--any group that supposedly verified the data yet missed the obvious stuff Israel caught did not actually verify the data--and thus everything else should also be assumed to be Hamas propaganda.
WTF are you going on about? The UN is reporting their results after seeing and treating children during a month (about 15,000).

The UN is there, reporting numbers. You are in the US making baseless assumptions. Whatever credibility the UN has or not, it is better than yours.
I guess you haven't been following closely enough.

Quite some time ago Israel pointed out about 4k of already-dead people and obviously false people. Nobody removed them from their lists of the dead. Therefore, it's clear that nobody gives a hoot if the data is accurate, they just parrot Hamas. Hamas eventually removed a bunch of them from their lists--but the death toll didn't drop one iota because of that. Clearly they just made up better fakes.
The UN reported the proprition of children in Gaza that they screened was almost double the proportion of malnourished Gazan children in March. Malnourished children aren’t dead not dead. The UN is not Hamas. So why are you babbling about fake dead tolls?
 

Lauren, every answer you’ve given is just another shell game — shifting definitions, cherry-picked outrage, and excuses dressed up as clarity. Let’s walk through this:

You keep calling legal principles “magic” because they don’t suit your narrative. Collective punishment isn’t a spell — it’s a term with legal weight. You can’t bomb bakeries and block baby formula because you’re mad at the local government and then pretend the suffering was just a coincidence. That’s not justice. That’s retribution in denial.
I don't call legal principles magic, I'm calling your use of them akin to magic--you throw out terms as if they have some relevance to the situation.

First, you need to show that bakeries are being bombed and that Israel is blocking baby formula.

You can claim historical inflation, but the core facts remain: unarmed civilians were deliberately killed. Even Israeli military records and survivors admitted to executions. You don’t get to rewrite history by saying “people exaggerated later” and using that to excuse what even your own sources once called a massacre.
Executions? We have one guy who did so at Dier Yassin--and nobody's saying he didn't do a bad thing.

Fundamentally, it's what will sometimes happen when a force dresses as civilians. Ugly, but that's why Geneva makes such a case about fighting in uniform.

That’s not how negotiations work — or law. If you’re expanding settlements during peace talks, you’re not negotiating, you’re annexing. “We didn’t think it would work” isn’t an excuse for unilateral land grabs. That’s like showing up to a peace meeting with a bulldozer and then saying the other side wasn’t serious.
Israel knows the other side isn't serious. The game was to get concessions out of Israel for simply talking and Israel wouldn't go along with that.

So your issue isn’t their facts — it’s their framing? That’s not discrediting. That’s admitting the evidence is sound and just being uncomfortable with what it shows. If you don’t like that a bodyguard not shooting is still listed as a civilian, make your case — don’t toss the whole record like it’s fiction.
You could call it "framing" but it's deliberate deception. I consider that tantamount to lying. And how can you even think the bodyguard is a civilian?

You’re not treating it as an unknown — you’re treating it as irrelevant. Geneva gives children special protection because child combatants are often coerced, not because they carry paperwork proving innocence. You’re using vague demographic trends to treat all male teens as threats. That’s not security. That’s profiling with a rifle.
What special protections are you referring to? Geneva demands that children not be used as combatants, but doesn't impose any burden on an army that faces child combatants. And the trend is not vague. At the population level a graph like that is quite damning.

You claim logic, but your logic is simple: if there’s no name tag on the sniper, Hamas must have done it to frame Israel. That’s not logic. That’s just refusal to even consider accountability. Meanwhile, observers like Breaking the Silence — Israeli veterans — say otherwise. But their testimony doesn’t count to you either, does it?
No, you have it backwards. We have no ID, you are baaing for Hamas in unquestioningly accepting that the unknown is Israel. I'm saying we have no proof of identity, so look at who would benefit, who would be able to do it, what did the person pulling the trigger hope to accomplish? In every case that points at Hamas, not Israel.

Hamas’s demands are absolutely unacceptable. That’s not the debate. The debate is: does Israel’s total war strategy offer a viable alternative? Because flattening Gaza hasn’t brought the hostages home either — and it’s buried thousands of people in the process. If your only response to hostage-taking is siege and starvation, you’re not saving lives. You’re burying more.
It's brought some of them home, it's greatly reduced their ability to take more.
There’s video after video of kids, medics, journalists, and unarmed demonstrators being picked off hundreds of feet from any threat. You call that justified because some climbed a fence. That’s like justifying a massacre because someone pushed a gate open. You’re defending live ammunition against people carrying flags and signs. That’s not border defense. That’s the logic of occupation.
And you know it was the IDF doing the picking off how? And you say "flags and signs"--no, "unarmed" over there means anything below firearms.

Lauren, you keep demanding moral clarity while twisting every standard to suit a single goal: whatever Israel does must be justified, and whatever Palestinians suffer must be someone else’s fault. That’s not clarity. That’s moral surrender repackaged as strategy. You want to win the argument — I want people to stop dying. That’s the difference.
Because I recognize what's happening--Hamas gets people killed so you'll blame Israel. And if you want people to stop dying quit being a Hamas weapon.

You say I’m throwing around “collective punishment” like a magic spell—but when bakeries collapse under tank fire and flour convoys sit at checkpoints without baby formula, that isn’t semantics. It’s a siege policy that starves infants to punish a government.

You dismiss claims of executions at Deir Yassin as “only one bad actor,” but even Israeli archives and survivor testimony confirm mass killings of women and children. Hiding behind “but they weren’t in uniform” ignores the fact that Geneva bans slaughtering noncombatants full stop.

You shrug off settlement expansion during talks as mere political theater. But building homes while negotiating sovereignty is annexation in motion, not bargaining. Saying “they weren’t serious” doesn’t erase the bulldozers rolling through occupied land.

You call documenting bodyguards as civilians “deliberate deception,” yet international investigators use cross-checked manifests and witness interviews—far more reliable than your gut instinct. Picking and choosing who counts as “civilian” to justify a bombing campaign isn’t truth-seeking. It’s moral cherry-picking.

You insist kids fighting under arms aren’t children you need to protect. But the law treats every juvenile combatant as a special case—coerced or not—not as free fire. Ignoring that is profiling with a rifle, not defending your people.

You argue “no ID, no proof,” so let’s play that game: who benefits most from medics, journalists, and unarmed protesters being gunned down hundreds of feet from any fighting? Every credible human-rights group says the shooters weren’t Hamas. Dismissing them all because you can’t read the insignia is willful blindness.

Yes, hostage releases have begun—but dozens remain. Your siege hasn’t ended the threat; it’s fortified the resolve on both sides. If starving civilians were a hostage rescue plan, it’s a catastrophic failure.

You demand video proof of snipers hitting people with flags. If every death needed high-def footage, every war would go uninvestigated. Eyewitnesses, bullet casings, impact wounds—all of that constitutes evidence by every standard you claim to trust.

Finally, blaming Hamas for every civilian death lets you avoid accountability for the bombs you authorize. If your answer to horror is “but look who started it,” you’ve already surrendered the moral ground. I’m fighting for a standard that spares innocents even amid atrocity. You’re fighting to justify that sacrifice—and calling it realism.

NHC
 

You say they clearly “can get stuff out” because of some atrocity videos, so the absence of full famine or mass grave footage must mean it’s fake.
They continue to post videos. We keep seeing them. Thus they could post video of pretty much any static atrocity.

That’s not logic, Loren — it’s convenience. You’re demanding a pristine media pipeline from a population being starved, bombed, and surveilled 24/7. A society where journalists are killed, hospitals are shelled, and power is intermittent isn’t going to upload trauma on your schedule. Your threshold for belief is calibrated not for truth, but for denial. If horror isn’t edited and broadcast to your liking, you decide it never happened. That’s not skepticism. That’s the shield you hold up to avoid responsibility.
Other video continues to be posted.
You say “10% is fog of war” when Israel misreports, but eternal condemnation for Hamas.
I'm saying that 10% is measurement error, not fabrication.

So you accept errors when they come from your preferred side but build entire moral frameworks out of your enemies’ worst lies. That’s not moral consistency — that’s rigged accounting. “Fog of war” doesn’t apply only to governments you like. It applies across the board. And if you’re going to invoke it for Israel, then have the intellectual integrity to apply it to Palestinian sources too — or admit you’ve made your choice and are just defending the scoreboard now.
The Israeli errors go in both directions. Hamas is always crazy high. Until this war a reasonable approximation would be Hamas numbers/10.

You declare a child imaginary if there’s no video.
I declare them imaginary if there should be video.
How did we get to the point where a child dying beneath rubble is “not real” unless there’s HD footage of their final breath? What standard of journalism requires war zone morgues to livestream for your approval? Not all stories are visible. Not all victims are documented. That’s exactly why international law uses patterns of destruction — not Instagram posts — as evidence. You’ve let your skepticism turn into emotional anesthesia.
Can you pay attention rather than throw out random words? The issue was supposed starvation--that's not under rubble. Video should exist.

You say you dismiss groups that don’t “note the garbage.”

Translation: you dismiss any group that doesn’t reach your conclusion. That’s not methodological critique — that’s ideological filtering. If HRW or Amnesty reports Israeli violations, you reject them wholesale. If the IDF tweets something, you trust it like scripture. That’s not scrutiny. That’s selective obedience to whoever tells you what you want to hear.
No. I dismiss any group that makes blatant errors and won't correct them when they're pointed out. The IDF statements hold up over time pretty well.

You say proportionality is a “magic word.”

No — it’s law. And it means the military value of a target must justify foreseeable civilian harm. It doesn’t matter if Hamas was nearby. If the IDF levels a building and dozens of civilians die, they have to show the strike wasn’t just legally targeted — but also militarily necessary and restrained. That’s not magic. That’s how civilized nations distinguish themselves from the very actors you claim to oppose. You keep waving away proportionality because you know it doesn’t clear your side’s actions — and you’d rather mock it than wrestle with it.
I'm saying you are using it as a magic word. You keep invoking it as some magical proof Israel is wrong despite having no ability to actually measure it.

You say the refugee camp fire was Hamas’s fault.

Even if that’s true in one case, it doesn’t erase the pattern. Camps have been bombed repeatedly. UN shelters hit. Schools collapsed. Ambulances targeted. Are those all Hamas accidents too? You can’t keep handing out blame exemptions every time the numbers get uncomfortable.
Most of them are because Hamas was using them.

And the refugee camp fire wasn't a Hamas accident, it was them storing explosives near the camp. Israel hit the people in the building, the explosives went up.

You say “look at the father” when whole families die.

So now parentage justifies mass death? If one person in the house is Hamas, everyone becomes expendable? That’s not counterterrorism. That’s vendetta. That’s how law collapses into vengeance. The IDF isn’t supposed to act like Hamas. But by your logic, guilt is contagious and due process is optional — if it makes the operation easier.
No. I'm saying that when whole families die it's mostly the families of Hamas top people. Hitting them at home minimizes civilian casualties.

You say I accept any “scrutiny” that blames Israel.

No — I accept that when hundreds of independent bodies, including Israeli ones, report the same patterns of abuse, it’s not propaganda. It’s evidence. You just can’t stomach where that evidence leads, so you brand it all as enemy lies. That’s not moral discernment — it’s deflection.
Goebbels.

You end by saying I’m creating more dead children by pointing to the dead.

That’s the ugliest inversion of all. You’re defending a strategy that levels homes and starves civilians, and blaming people who notice. I don’t create the corpses, Loren — I refuse to look away from them. You, on the other hand, are so desperate to win the argument that you’ve turned grief into a sin and accountability into treason. That’s not justice. That’s moral collapse disguised as tough talk.
It's not an inversion at all. You see the dead bodies, you blame Israel. Hamas creates more dead bodies so you'll blame Israel more.

You point to selective video drops and say, “They can post anything—so if there’s no famine footage, it must not exist.” But starving children aren’t a movie trailer. Journalists have been killed, cell networks cut, power blacked out—trauma doesn’t upload itself on demand. Demanding a pristine feed before you’ll believe a disaster isn’t rigor, it’s denial.

You chalk up thousands of duplicate IDs to “measurement error, not lies,” yet expect a calculus-level critique of every airstrike. Tiny margin-of-error in war is one thing; systemic anomalies screaming “unverified” are another. If the vetting process misses obvious fraud, who trusts its finer points?

Sure, Israeli figures wobble too—every military does. But when your “10× rule” becomes gospel for Hamas data, you’re inventing your own statistics to dodge the worst carnage. And then declaring every un-filmed death “imaginary”? That’s not evidence-based skepticism; it’s emotional anesthesia.

You sneer that NGOs “just repeat Hamas,” yet swallow IDF press releases like sacraments. Médecins Sans Frontières, U.N. specialists and even Israeli veterans risk life and limb to document these horrors. Brushing them off because a few mistakes slipped through isn’t critical thinking—it’s selective blindfolding.

Calling proportionality a “magic word” won’t erase its legal heft. It’s the test every army uses to plan strikes, weighing tunnel shafts against the lives trapped above. Mocking it as unmeasurable doesn’t invalidate the principle—it exposes your unwillingness to face the human cost you’ve declared irrelevant.

Yes, Hamas booby-traps homes and stores explosives in civilian zones, but international law forbids using children as shields. You can’t justify leveling whole families by blaming the victim. Guilt by association is vengeance, not justice.

When you invoke Goebbels to smear anyone pointing out these truths, you reveal more about your tactics than mine. And blaming Hamas for every corpse doesn’t free Israel from accountability when it drops the bombs. Two wrongs don’t make a right. Both horrors matter, and refusing to hold both sides to the same standard is moral collapse, not “realism.”

NHC
 

You say there were more grieving families in other wars, as if that’s a meaningful rebuttal.
The point is you are not making any sort of reasonable comparison here.
You say I’m after a “fantasy solution.”
Yes, you are. Your "answer" is just pretend you can end the war.
No — I’m after a moral compass. You frame any call for restraint as naïveté because you’ve resigned yourself to a world where atrocity is inevitable and therefore excusable. You’ve mistaken despair for realism. But normalization of civilian death isn’t wisdom. It’s moral surrender dressed up as pragmatism.

You say peace won’t happen, only war.
Yes, I accept that the war is going to continue as Iran isn't interested in peace. Pretending you can just end it will only drive you to stupid answers.

Then say it plainly: you’ve given up. Your framework assumes endless cycles of siege, bombing, and suffering are the only tools left. You talk about 10/7 as if it sanctifies any response, no matter the toll — but that logic only guarantees more war, more dead children, more “unfortunate” statistics. And when the next 10/7 comes — because your model breeds nothing but retribution — you’ll hold up the numbers again and say, “See? At least we did it better.”
Your model breeds nothing but more 10/7s.

You say I don’t understand that not prosecuting this war brings more violence.

No, I understand it perfectly. But you think prosecuting the war like this is the only option. Flattening neighborhoods, starving civilians, treating the wounded like enemy assets — this isn’t counterterrorism. It’s collective degradation. You can fight Hamas without abandoning every principle that claims to separate you from them. But you’ve accepted that the line can be blurred as long as the kill ratio is efficient.
You continue with the magic words.

You call my position emotional, but it’s yours that runs on fear. Fear that decency is weakness. Fear that restraint is surrender. Fear that anything short of overwhelming force is an invitation to be hurt again. But fear isn’t strategy. And mass death isn’t a necessary cost. It’s a choice — one you’re defending not because it’s right, but because you’ve forgotten there was ever another way.
It's a recognition of reality, not fear. You just decree there's an answer and that it must come from Israel giving up.

I’m not trying to compare wars like sports teams—I’m saying pointing at other horrors doesn’t make this one any less real or any less in need of moral clarity. Every dead child, every flattened home, deserves its own reckoning.

I’m not pretending for peace to arrive by magic—I’m insisting we actually try ceasefires, humanitarian corridors, third-party monitors, even imperfect talks. Rejecting every proposal as “naïve” isn’t realism, it’s giving up on every path that isn’t collective punishment.

If your only “realism” is a self-fulfilling prophecy of endless bloodshed, then you’ve already built the future you fear. The moment you close off every door to diplomacy or relief, you guarantee more suffering—and more 10/7-style horrors.

Clinging to siege, saturation bombing, and starvation fuels the cycle—it doesn’t break it. Real strategy isn’t counting on endless retribution; it’s finding ways to starve conflict of its fuel: despair, siege, and impunity.

Proportionality and distinction aren’t fairy dust—they’re the guardrails that keep armies from becoming monsters. Mocking them as “magic” is the real illusion: pretending you can wage war without moral or legal boundaries.

I’m not asking Israel to surrender its right to defend itself—I’m asking it to refuse the surrender of its humanity. Defining “realistic” as total impunity for mass suffering isn’t courage; it’s the cowardice of abandoning every principle you claim to fight for.

NHC
 
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