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Kyrsten Sinema - a DINO?

I found where that video came from, courtesy of Nic on Twitter: "@ocelome (link)" / Twitter
noting
Taylor Momsen Escapes the Paparazzi in Nike Commercial | HYPEBEAST - datelined January 2009
Keeping us entertained with well thought out commercials, Nike (NYSE:NKE +0.41%) once again hits the jackpot with a piece featuring Gossip Girl Taylor Momsen. The commercial shows her super natural escape route from the paparazzi while rocking a sports bra and Zoom Sister One+. Check it out!
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The full commercial: Taylor Momsen escapes paparazzi - YouTube

[YOUTUBE]https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8kHdNkAPBdw[/YOUTUBE]
 
thebeave said:
Trausti said:
FBNQQjCX0AIjUgc

Love her.
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Not surprised. They way he incoherently babbles and stumbles in his speech, she probably thought it was some teenagers playing a prank on her.
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White House Whistleblower Claims Strangers Drag Him From Place To Place And Make Him Sign Papers And Read Words On Monitors And He Hardly Gets Any Ice Cream

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Kyrsten Sinema Is Confounding Her Own Party. But … Why? | FiveThirtyEight

Though Joe Manchin and Kyrsten Sinema may seem much alike in obstructing their party's agenda (Sinemanchin? Manchinema?), they are not alike.
Manchin’s centrism is unsurprising: He has been a conservative Democrat his entire career, and his home state of West Virginia is so red that it might be politically impossible for him to move left, even if he wanted to.
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He is also more talkative than his other half.
But neither is true of Sinema. Once a staunch progressive, Arizona’s senior senator has taken a hard turn to the right. On the surface, that appears to have been an effort to make her more electable by courting moderate and conservative voters. If so, she may have overcompensated: Arizona is no West Virginia, and no other swing-state senator has vexed Democratic leadership so thoroughly. In fact, Sinema’s established such a firm anti-progressive reputation that she may have lost the support of enough Democrats to endanger her reelection just the same.
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Some Democrats are already talking about primarying her.
Sinema began her political career as a self-described “Prada socialist.” Originally a member of the Arizona Green Party, she was a vocal liberal activist who organized anti-war protests and marches for immigrants’ rights. After a failed bid for the Arizona state legislature in 2002, she switched to the Democratic Party and went on to serve three terms in the state House and one in the state Senate. According to ideology scores for state legislators calculated by political scientists Boris Shor and Nolan McCarty, she was the House’s second- or third-most liberal member during her tenure, and the Senate’s single most liberal member in 2011-12.

But when she was elected to the U.S. Congress in 2012, a switch flipped. She immediately became the most conservative Democrat in the House of Representatives, according to DW-Nominate, which uses voting records to quantify the ideology of every member of Congress on a scale from 1 (most conservative) to -1 (most liberal). She has a career DW-Nominate score of -0.103, which currently makes her the second-most conservative Democrat in the Senate, after Manchin.
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To the point that earlier KS would say that present KS is taking bribes.

DW-Nominate is from Voteview | Sen. SINEMA, Kyrsten (Democrat, AZ): Sen. SINEMA is more liberal than 51% of the 117th Senate, and more conservative than 98% of Democrats

I checked on her ideology ratings at the report cards at Members of the United States Congress - GovTrack.us
  • 116: 2019-21 S #1 #47 0.68 >= 7 R's _ Joe Manchin: #3 #54 0.57 >= 1 R (#2 D was Doug Jones, D-AL)
  • 115: 2017-19 H #2 #181 0.70 >= 71 R's
  • 114: 2015-17 H #4 #246 0.56 >= 6 R's
  • 113: 2013-15 H #26 #260 0.43 >= 0 R's
Numbers: which Congress, which years, which chamber, rank among Democrats from conservative to liberal, rank among all members, ideology score, how many Republicans score <= her
 
The conventional wisdom is that Sinema rushed toward the center for electoral reasons, as she moved from representing a solidly blue electorate to purpler ones. ...

While her district became more safely Democratic later in her House career, she may have already been laying the groundwork for her Senate run. “Kyrsten has always had her eyes on a larger electorate,” Tempe City Councilwoman Lauren Kuby told The New York Times in 2018.
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Joe Manchin is a rather unusual politician, a Democrat in a heavily-Republican state, one that went for Trump by +46% in 2016. Even so, he voted with Trump about 50.4% of the time, instead of what 538 would predict, 89.3%.

But KS also voted with Trump 50.4%, despite the state's partisanship suggesting only 39.8% of the time.
In the current congress, Sinema has voted perfectly in line with the Biden administration and her party on bills that came up for a vote. But as we’ve seen with negotiations over the reconciliation bill and more, that leaves a lot out. Sinema still ranks as more ideologically conservative than other Democratic senators from once-red-but-trending-blue states: Jon Ossoff (who has a DW-Nominate score of -0.448 so far) and Raphael Warnock (-0.380) of Georgia, and even her fellow Arizonan, Mark Kelly (-0.186).
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Then, "It’s extremely rare for elected incumbent senators to lose their primaries." Then noting only 5 who did so in this century. Comparing favorability ratings, KS does worse than those five. Were they running for safe seats? "Perhaps unsurprisingly, all the incumbents who lost primaries represented states that leaned toward their party (though some, like Specter and Smith, did represent swing states). All the incumbents who lost reelection on the opposite party’s home turf did so in the general."
 
If KS is trying to win elections, she has an awful strategy. If she is not trying to win elections, then what might be motivating her?

Her donors? She is on the take, so much so that earlier KS would say that she is taking huge bribes.
Another explanation for Sinema’s centrism could be that she genuinely believes in it. In her 2009 book “Unite and Conquer,” Sinema described how she was initially frustrated at her inability to get things done in the state legislature — so she decided to stop being a “bomb-thrower” and start working with Republicans. Perhaps now, after so many years of embedding with the GOP to get things done (this is the first time she has ever served in a legislative chamber controlled by Democrats), she has internalized the conservatism of her peers — and even embraced bipartisanship as a policy goal unto itself. (That would explain her fierce opposition to ending the filibuster and her dogged negotiation of a bipartisan $1 trillion infrastructure bill earlier this year.) What else, besides personal conviction, can explain why she has maintained her contrarianism in the face of frustrated colleagues, aggressive protesters and the potential end of her political career? It could be that she really is acting on principle. Or it could be that she thinks this is her smartest move politically. Or it could be some combination of both. Unfortunately, we might never know for sure.
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Noting
Kyrsten Sinema Wants You To Know She’s Not A Progressive | HuffPost Latest News - from 2018 - "Republicans are highlighting her leftist past. But progressives have their own grumbles, even as they line up behind her Senate run in Arizona."
 
Kyrsten Sinema Is Literally Teaching a Course on Fundraising - "The senator is educating Arizona State University students on her forte: asking for money."

Sinema syllabus - DocumentCloud

The course: "SWG 686: Developing Grants and Fundraising"
Course Description:

Explores diverse elements that potentially form part of a nonprofit agency resource plan (proposals, donated/volunteered materials and services, fundraising events and user fees). Both technical and interpersonal/political aspects of grantsmanship, fundraising, and resource development are reviewed.

Rationale for the Course:

This course will teach students skills in developing resource development team and resource development plan, organizing support for a development plan, identifying potential resources, developing funding proposals, and making funding presentations. The course provides skills in resource development necessary to establish organizational Services appropriate to serve minority, impoverished, and/or oppressed communities or populations.
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It's a course in how to raise funds, to identify possible sources of funding and to convince those sources to fund whatever one wants to fund.

Required reading for the course (quoted):
  • O’Neal-McElrath, Tori. Winning grants: step by step, (5th ed.). San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.
  • Klein, K. Fundraising for Social Change, (7th ed.). San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.

For proposals to funding agencies like charitable foundations (quoted),
  • Identify key elements of a proposal
  • Learn to draft goals and objectives, measurable outcomes, and evaluation tools.
  • Draft budgets for proposals
  • Integrate elements into a final grant proposal

For fundraising in general (quoted),
  • Learn diverse fundraising strategies.
  • Learn how to find small and large individual donors in community and/or state.
  • Learn how to cultivate donors, and how to increase donations over time.
  • Find supporters for major fundraising events.

Students will be graded on how well they do in:
  • Letter of Intent (15%)
  • Proposal (40%)
  • Presentation (20%)
  • Resource Development Plan (15%)
  • Worksheets and Participation (10%)
 
[TWEET]https://twitter.com/MorePerfectUS/status/1410324341473095690?s=20[/TWEET]
 
From Radical Activist to Senate Obstructionist: The Metamorphosis of Kyrsten Sinema – Mother Jones - "Her rise is a political fairy tale—and nightmare."

The article editorialized on her career with these computer-graphics paintings of a monarch butterfly:
  • An adult with wings stretched out
  • An adult emerging from its chrysalis
  • A chrysalis
  • A caterpillar
She supported Ralph Nader in 2000,
... and in 2001 launched her first campaign—for a seat on the city council. Her interests, she told a local newspaper, were housing and poverty; she raised practically nothing because she believed donations were “bribery.”
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What a big change. 2001 KS would say that 2021 KS is hopelessly bribed.
“What Kyrsten had to say was always a million times smarter than what anyone else had to say,” says Carole Edelsky, a retired Arizona State University professor who volunteered on the Scudder campaign. “She was head and shoulders above everybody. She was gorgeous and brilliant. She was a lightning rod. She just sparkled.” Sinema was active in every political club and attended every meeting. “She just struck me as somebody who slept like two or three hours at night,” another activist says.
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KS lost that city-council race. But something big then happened.
By the time the votes were tallied in her city council race on September 11, 2001, Sinema’s doomed city council campaign was an afterthought. A few days later, Congress authorized a global war on terror, and a small but determined group of activists in Phoenix, calling themselves the Arizona Alliance for Peaceful Justice (AAPJ), began discussing how to push back. Sinema dropped by an early organizing session at a Quaker meeting house in Tempe and threw herself into the anti-war cause.

In a movement that sometimes drifted toward chaos, Sinema emerged as a natural leader—“in charge without being ‘I’m the boss’ kind of in charge,” says Seth Pollack, a former Green Party activist. She organized protests and invited members over to her house near downtown Phoenix to make signs beforehand. (For the uninspired, Sinema even suggested slogans—“Bombing for Peace Is Like Fucking for Virginity”; “Real Patriots Drive Hybrids.”) On “occasions where she wanted to draw attention,” an AAPJ member recalls, Sinema grabbed a bullhorn and wore a bright pink tutu (an image that would later feature in Republican TV ads). And on Wednesdays after work, Sinema and a small group of women donned black veils and stood in silence outside a public library. She intended to keep the vigils going, Sinema told the Arizona Republic at the time, “’til there’s no more war.”
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The group's site had a quote from anthropologist Margaret Mead: “Never doubt that a small group of thoughtful, committed citizens can change the world; indeed, it’s the only thing that ever does.”
They had a special disdain for would-be allies who coveted power over ideals. When hawkish and conservative-leaning Connecticut Sen. Joe Lieberman passed through Tucson during his presidential campaign in 2003, Sinema led a caravan of activists to protest outside his event. “He’s a shame to Democrats,” she told a reporter. “I don’t even know why he’s running. He seems to want to get Republicans voting for him—what kind of strategy is that?”
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While recent KS sometimes seems like she wants Republicans' votes.

AAPJ had an early controversy over whether the group's name should be AAJP (justice before peace), and the group brought together a lot of people who otherwise don't have much in common.
The most persistent source of tension was the anarchists, whose militant methods grated on many members. When the anarchists and peaceniks deadlocked over the tactics they used at anti-*war demonstrations, Sinema—whose day job as a social worker, after all, involved conflict mediation—brought the two factions together in Tempe to broker a truce.

“She’s always had the inclinations of a social worker—‘sit down and talk and we can reach an agreement on something,’” says Victor Aronow, a longtime peace activist who is still active with the group. “That’s always been one of her strong and weak points simultaneously.”
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At one point, they called in Starhawk, a self-styled witch and ecofeminist, to mediate this conflict. She was pleased that there were enough of both kinds of people to make it worth the trouble.
 
Then a demonstration in Miami against the FTAA, a NAFTA-style free-trade zone for the US and Latin America.
There had been an ominous undercurrent all week. Police had arrested activists off the street and raided camps in the days before the march. When the tear gas started that afternoon, Sinema was doing a spiral dance near the front of the march—a ritual in which demonstrators formed a long chain, circling back on itself; they hoped to summon energy from their togetherness. (“She Dabbled in Witchcraft” was the headline of a 2018 press release from the National Republican Senatorial Committee. “I think she was just friends with the pagans,” Venable says.) Law enforcement later said it had acted in response to vandalism, but Sinema recounted in an email thread with AAPJ members later that night how the police crackdown had really started.

“The police were the aggressors from the beginning, shoving protesters with batons, then beating protesters, then taser gunning people in the crowd and launching rubber bullets, pepper spray, and tear gas into the crowds, hitting all sorts of people,” she wrote. One of Venable’s friends lost part of his ear. A rubber bullet hit Sinema’s backpack. There was a sense of powerlessness about the way a movement they’d built could be so readily repressed. When she turned on the news that night, she fumed at how the media amplified the police narrative.

“It was brutal,” she wrote.
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When KS returned to Phoenix AZ, she drifted away from AAPJ, because it seemed to her that that group was getting nowhere with its activism.

She had been a social worker, and she left that to go to law school, so she could get "the power attorneys wield," but "for good." She ran for the state legislature in 2004, this time as a Democrat. She won. "My political stance has never changed," she said. But she was not very effective.
Sinema was, as then–Democratic Gov. Janet Napolitano later put it, “a gadfly”—an “unconventional” and “starry-eyed idealist” who was “suspicious of those who disagreed with her.” In Sinema’s political memoir, Unite and Conquer: How to Build Coalitions That Win and Last, she describes herself during this time as “bright-eyed,” “bushy-tailed,” and “rather annoying.” She gave blistering floor speeches but accomplished nothing.
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Then LGBT activism.

Back in the mid-2000's, the Republicans were proposing anti-same-sex-marriage referendrum after referendum -- and winning.
Rather than emphasize the prejudice underpinning the referendum and lodge emotional appeals about equality—rather than losing forward—Arizona Together tried something different. Sinema and her co-chair, a gay Mormon Republican named Steve May, decided to emphasize the impact the referendum would have on straight couples.
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The state's numerous retirees might not like Proposition 107's linking of marriage with procreation, and the group's anti-107 campaign focused on that. This included locking some activists out of their offices when they campaigned on how anti-gay the proposition was.
The referendum was defeated by four points—the only anti-marriage amendment in the nation to lose at the ballot box that year. Prop 107 was a turning point in Sinema’s career. She’d won something big, in difficult circumstances, by reining in her impulses to speak righteous truths and following what the data told her instead. It marked the beginning of a new political identity that was not just rooted in pragmatism and collegiality but was sometimes antagonistic toward the activist tradition she’d come out of. Three years later, in 2009, she published Unite and Conquer. It’s sort of a manifesto of her new theory of change and an apologia for her career until then.
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In that book, she disdained "the dread disease" of "identity politics", and stated that the Left has a tendency to divide itself into smaller and smaller factions -- and ineffective ones.

She recommended "letting go of the bear and picking up the Buddha." The "bear" is being hostile to people who don't agree with one's positions, and the "Buddha" is the opposite.
 
Then she got into pro-immigrant activism.
She’d always opposed border fencing projects. Now she ramped up her work as a legal observer with the ACLU and a group called No More Deaths, whose members hiked deep into the desert to leave jugs of water for migrants crossing over the border. After Sinema got her law degree and joined the legislature, she would sometimes sit at night in a pickup truck with binoculars on the dirt road paralleling the border outside Douglas, monitoring the Minutemen’s actions for illegal activity. No More Deaths used scanners to track the group’s movements and barged in to disrupt their patrols.

In an interview with Fox News’ Bill O’Reilly in early 2006, the co-founder of the Minutemen, Chris Simcox, an influential figure among Arizona conservatives at the time who is now serving a prison sentence for child sexual abuse, complained that Sinema was making his life hell.

“They follow us, they create traffic hazards, they get their cars in between our cars when we are deploying to a certain area to patrol,” he griped.
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But later, when some activists organized an effort to recall the sponsor of an anti-immigrant bill, KS was nowhere to be found. She said that she didn't want to attack her boss -- that sponsor was the State Senate President.


When KS ran for US House in 2012, her opponent, Tea Partier Vernon Parker, tried to make an issue out of her activist past. "One attack ad depicted Sinema floating in outer space."
Once in the US Senate, Sinema followed a familiar playbook. Just as she had in Arizona, where she moved her desk next to the Republican Andy Biggs so they could make jokes about their colleagues, Sinema set out to make herself relevant in the GOP-dominated Senate chamber through relentless congeniality. She was a “social butterfly,” one conservative remarked early in her House tenure—the antithesis of the angry Marxist they’d been warned about. Sinema won over Republican colleagues on predawn runs along the National Mall and in bipartisan spin classes she taught in the House gym. (It was her friend Kevin McCarthy’s idea.) A Virginia Republican once spent an hour teaching her how to flip-turn in the House pool. Trey Gowdy became a close friend. As a senator, she now counts Mitt Romney and Ted Cruz as confidants.

Making Republican friends, though, is different from making Republican allies. Not long after she was first elected to the House, MSNBC’s Chris Hayes pressed her on the limits of this approach. “Can you, by force of your personality, bring the Republican caucus over?” he asked.

This is the essential question of Sinema’s long game—it is the tension behind the idea of uniting to conquer.
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What has that gotten her?
Her press releases often read like dispatches from an alternative Washington, in which both parties are working together diligently on an endless stream of low-profile but consequential proposals to expand telehealth programs for veterans, shut down phone scammers, and provide broadband access to Native American communities.

...
“She believes in the rules and believes in the processes, and she’ll figure out how to use those rules and processes to her advantage to get things done and bring people into alignment with her goals,” says Chad Campbell, a longtime friend who campaigned for Sinema when she was still an independent and served with her in the state legislature. “She’s better at that than most everybody, but she’s not going to break the rules to get things done, and that’s just the way she operates. She views the people who do that as people who are chipping away at the foundations of how the institutions are supposed to work.”
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But the Republican Party has become much nastier than it was in previous decades, and President Joe Biden, with his fond memories of getting along with Republicans, is now recognizing that.
“This is the first time in Kyrsten Sinema’s political life that she has been in power,” Kirkland told me. In Arizona in the 2000s, “There just wasn’t a lot that was possible. And I think she hasn’t really adjusted to a reality where big things are possible.”

That is what’s driving Arizona progressives crazy right now—the possibility that after finally acquiring power, Sinema simply won’t let Democrats use it. Russell Pearce isn’t her boss anymore. For the first time in her career, Sinema doesn’t have to choose between playing nice and protesting; she can simply agree to change the rules so the Senate works like it’s supposed to.
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Decoding Kyrsten Sinema’s Style - The New York Times
As Tammy Haddad, former MSNBC political director and co-founder of the White House Correspondents Weekend Insider, said of the senator, “If the other members of Congress had paid any attention to her clothing at all they would have known she wasn’t going to just follow the party line.”

The senior senator from Arizona — the first woman to represent Arizona in the Senate, the first Democrat elected to that body from that state since 1995, and the first openly bisexual senator — has never hidden her identity as a maverick. In fact, she’s advertised it. Pretty much every day.

Indeed, it was back in 2013, when she was first elected to the House of Representatives, that Elle crowned Ms. Sinema “America’s Most Colorful Congresswoman.” Since she joined the Senate, she has merely been further embracing that term. Often literally.

...
Conversation with various insiders and Congressologists offered theories on the wardrobe that suggested it was either: a sleight-of-hand, meant to distract from Ms. Sinema’s journey from progressive to moderate to possibly Republican-leaning; or meant to offer reassurance to her former progressive supporters that she wasn’t actually part of the conservative establishment.
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Congressologists? That seems like Kremlinology, attempts to work out what the Soviet Union's leaders might do next. I'm old enough to remember that.
Richard Ford, a professor at Stanford Law School and the author of “Dress Codes: How the Laws of Fashion Changed History,” said he thought her image was designed to telegraph: “I’m a freethinker, my own person, not going along with convention, so even though I’m a part of the Democratic Party I am representing your interests, not theirs.” (As it happens Ms. Sinema is featured in the book as an example of a woman “unapologetically” bringing a more feminine approach to dress to “the halls of power.”)

Whatever the interpretation, however, no one expressed any doubt that she knew exactly what she was doing. ...

After all, said Hilary Rosen, the vice chair of the political consultancy SKDKickerbocker, who has known Ms. Sinema since 2011, the senator “used to dress more like the rest of us, in simple dresses” and the occasional suit jacket. But, Ms. Rosen said, “I’ve seen a real shift in the last few years, and I think they way she dresses now is a sign of her increasing confidence as a legislator. She’s not afraid to wear her personality on her sleeve, and that’s rare in a politician. They usually dress for ambiguity.”
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She got the Senate to accept female Senators going bare-armed, for instance, as female Reps were then doing.

Also notes Kamala Harris's plain black pantsuits. A sort of female version of common male business suits.
 
Senator Sinema began her Washington career by breaking that tradition, clearly reveling in a seemingly endless wardrobe of eye-catching, idiosyncratic and colorful clothes speckled with flowers and zebra stripes: the kind more often labeled “fun” rather than, say, “sober” or “serious”; the kind that were unidentifiable in terms of provenance (where did she get them? where were they made? who knew?); the kind that are not unusual in civilian life, but stand out like neon lights under the rotunda of the Capitol; the kind that maybe call to mind an uninhibited co-worker with a zest for retail therapy at the mall. But that the senator continued to do so as she ascended the political ranks served two purposes.

t made her nationally recognizable in a way very few new members of Congress are, and it placed her at the forefront of a social trend at a time when dress codes of all kinds are being reconsidered — and often left behind. (It’s no accident that the other congresswoman sworn in at the same time who has become a household name, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, is equally good at using the tools of image making to craft her political message.)

And, it made it clear she just wasn’t going to apologize for enjoying shopping. She clearly does a lot of it. So what? As far as she is concerned, she can have her stuff and substance too.

In other words, all those seemingly kooky clothes that Ms. Sinema is wearing aren’t kooky at all. They’re signposts. And the direction they are pointing is entirely her way.
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KS and AOC are both fashion plates, but unlike KS, AOC talks about herself and what she does quite a lot. This includes clothes. Though she likes prints, she likes to wear solid colors for appearing on camera because she thinks that prints don't show up well in pictures. She has also talked about shopping in thrift shops, including getting a few hundred dollars worth of designer dress for only $30. Also about renting much of her wardrobe. Does KS do that also?
 
Ana Kasparian on Twitter: "This is just embarrassing

Decoding Kyrsten Sinema’s Style (link)" / Twitter

Krystal Ball on Twitter: "@AnaKasparian This is one of the most obnoxious articles I’ve ever read" / Twitter

Emma Vigeland on Twitter: "@AnaKasparian She's crazy. That's it." / Twitter

Some other responders asked when the NYT will report on Joe Manchin's clothing style. He's like most of his male colleagues, with not much to report on. Rep. Jim Jordan stands out as going jacketless much of the time.
 
5 Veterans Quit Kyrsten Sinema's Advisory Council - The New York Times
The furious members accused the Arizona Democrat of “answering to big donors rather than your own people,” in the latest sign of the political pressure she faces.

Five veterans tapped to advise Senator Kyrsten Sinema, an Arizona Democrat, resigned from their posts on Thursday, publicly accusing her of “hanging your constituents out to dry” in the latest sign of growing hostility toward a centrist who has emerged as a key holdout on President Biden’s agenda.

...
“You have become one of the principal obstacles to progress, answering to big donors rather than your own people,” the veterans wrote in a letter that is to be featured in a new advertisement by Common Defense, a progressive veterans’ activist group that has targeted Ms. Sinema.

“We shouldn’t have to buy representation from you, and your failure to stand by your people and see their urgent needs is alarming,” they added.

...
“Democrats were out desperately trying to help her win the seat, and now we feel like, what was it for?” Sylvia González Andersh, one of the veterans who signed the letter, said in an interview. “Nobody knows what she is thinking because she doesn’t tell anybody anything. It’s very sad to think that someone who you worked for that hard to get elected is not even willing to listen.”

...
Ms. Sinema said in a statement that she would “always remain grateful for these individuals’ service to our nation,” and had valued their input to her work.

“While it is unfortunate that apparent disagreement on separate policy issues has led to this decision,” she said, “I thank them for their service and will continue working every day to deliver for Arizona’s veterans who have sacrificed so much to keep us safe and secure.”
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They join the activists who are bummed out at having helped to get her elected, only for her to repay them like this.
 
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