When former President Donald J. Trump’s longest serving chief of staff said the other day that his old boss
“falls into the general definition of fascist,” Mr. Trump let loose with the insults, assailing his onetime right hand as a
“total degenerate,” a “LOWLIFE” and a “bad General.”
What Mr. Trump did not do, at least at first, was actually deny that he was or aspired to be a fascist.
Any other politician might consider that a damning denunciation worth rebutting. Only when asked days later did he
directly dismiss the idea. But in the nine years that he has been running for or serving as president, Mr. Trump has regularly evoked the language, history and motifs of fascism without hesitation or evident concern about how it would make him look.
While presidents have pushed the boundaries of power, and in some cases abused it outright, no American commander in chief over the past couple of centuries has so aggressively sought to discredit the institutions of democracy at home while so openly embracing and envying dictators abroad. Although plenty of presidents have been called dictators by their opponents, none has been publicly accused of fascism by his own handpicked top adviser who spent day after day with him in the Oval Office.
Mr. Trump does not use the word to describe himself — in fact, he uses it to describe his adversaries — but he does not shrink from the impression it leaves. He goes out of his way to portray himself as an American strongman, vowing if re-elected to
use the militaryto crack down on dissent, to use the Justice Department to
prosecute and imprison his foes, to
shut down news media outletsthat displease him, to claim authority that his predecessors did not have and to round up millions of people living in the country illegally and
put them in camps or deport them en masse.
He has already sought to overturn a free and fair election that even
his own advisers told him he had lost, all in a bid to hold onto power despite the will of the voters, something no other sitting president ever tried to do. When that did not work, he
spread demonstrable lies about the 2020 vote so pervasively that he convinced most of his supporters that
Mr. Biden’s victory was illegitimate, according to polls, eroding faith in the democratic system that is key to its enduring viability. He then called for the
“termination” of the Constitution so that President Biden could be instantly removed from power and himself reinstalled without a new election.
Mr. Trump, of course, failed to reverse the election and had no means while out of office to terminate the Constitution. As a result, many people these days discount warnings like Mr. Kelly’s. Mr. Trump, in their view, talks a good game, but it is mostly bluster and bombast, essentially provocation to rile his opponents and “own the libs,” as his allies put it.
He was not really a fascist in his first term, his defenders maintain, and therefore should not be expected to be one in a second. All the talk of fascism, they argue, is just hysterical, hyperbolic or opportunistic defamation by the political left, which routinely seeks to tag any conservative with that label to discredit them and their ideas.
If anything, Mr. Trump and his allies try to turn the argument around on the Democrats, arguing that Mr. Biden and Vice President Kamala Harris pose the real threat to democracy because a special counsel appointed by their administration indicted the former president, which they liken to victor’s justice more commonly seen in countries with less developed systems. Mr. Trump calls Ms. Harris both a “fascist” and a “communist” without seeming to realize they were historical and ideological enemies of one another.