bilby
Fair dinkum thinkum
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The Russians say 's a barkerDogs are not usually called woof-woof or arf-arf, for instance.
The Russians say 's a barkerDogs are not usually called woof-woof or arf-arf, for instance.
In other words, names of storm gods.In addition to the Andaman Islands, the name occurs in the territory of Eurasia from the Baltic to Kamchatka, in Africa, especially West Africa, and lastly in New Guinea, Australia and Tasmania. Further research may add new connections and in particular, the presence of the name in Kamchatka makes it appear likely that it will also be found in the Americas, all the more so since the conception of the divinity as the personification of thunder or in general, of the frightening forces of nature, appears to be very widespread.
Puluga: ...
In other words, names of storm gods.
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Great Andamanese: Bea, Bale: puluga - Jeru: biliku - Puchikwar: bilik - Chari: bilek - Juwol, Kol, Kede: bilak
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Austronesian: M-P: Oceanic: Keapara: palagu
Wiktionary said:Baal or Ba'al: A storm and fertility god of the Phoenician and Canaanite pantheons, reckoned as chief of the gods by the 1st millennium BC.
Etymology
From Late Latin Baal (as in the Vulgate) and Ancient Greek Βάαλ (Báal); from Hebrew בַּעַל (bá`al, “lord, husband, owner”), Phoenician 𐤁𐤏𐤋 (bʿl, “lord, master, owner”) and Ugaritic 𐎁𐎓𐎍 (baʿlu, “lord, owner”), all from Proto-Semitic *baʿl- (“owner, lord, husband”).
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Sanskrit Parjánya, Lithuanian Perkūnas "storm god" > Finnish perkele "devil" (under Christian influence)
From PIE *Perkwunos
Mentions alternate possibilities *bal̄[ʕ]V, *bal̄(i)ka.Comments: Cf. also forms under *ṗaĺV 'burn' and Mong. *büli-ɣen 'warm' (see ND 195 *bil̄V 'warm') - a great deal of confusion. In ND 199 *bal̄[ʕ]V 'blind' the Mong. form is separated and compared with East Cush. and Eg. *balʕ- 'blind' (?), as well as some IE forms (contaminated within *bhlendh-?).
GS asks where one draws the line.Arguably the most focused and successful work in establishing such a “golden middle” in the post-EDAL era has been conducted by Martine Robbeets, a firm adherent of the Altaic hypothesis who has, nevertheless, been openly and highly critical of the cognate maximization strategy.
GS proposesBut the very fact that onomasiological scenarios like these appear to be working for Altaic, and allow for the proposed etymologies to be presented not as random, disconnected bunches of phonetically and semantically similar comparanda, but as parts of a coherent network, within which we try to account not only for potential archaic retentions, but also for innovations which replace them, should be enough to significantly boost confidence in the hypothesis.
Indo-European, Uralic, Altaic, Eskimo-Aleut, Kartvelian, Dravidian400-item basic lexicon wordlist for potentially "Nostratic" languages of Eurasia
Optimized for semantic and lexicostatistical analysis.
It's an expanded version of the 100-word and 200-word Swadesh lists. That is done because long-range linguistics requires a large comparison vocabulary for getting good statistics.This database represents the current (intermediate) stage of research on a unified and formalized wordlist of 400 basic lexical items, reconstructed for several non-controversial protolanguages of Eurasia. Its primary purpose is to serve as a test base for a full-scale lexicostatistical verification of the "Nostratic" hypothesis (V. M. Illich-Svitych, A. B. Dolgopolsky and others), according to which all or most of these protolanguages go back to a single "Proto-Nostratic" ancestor. It can and should, however, be used (when completed) for additional purposes as well, including etymological research on individual families, general typology of semantic shifts, and areal linguistics.
Likewise, the semantic connections between the different entries on the list have been elicited empirically, based on observed polysemies as well as undebatable etymological connections between words with different, but similar meanings. The typical rule of thumb is that the same semantic shift has to be observed independently at least twice, preferably in geographically remote areas, to be considered "trivial"; as a rule, they are observed much more often than twice. A database of semantic shifts elicited from the various language families of Eurasia as their data are being entered into the main database is forthcoming.
That's only for relatively close languages, because a short list means difficult long-range comparison.Throughout our research, it became clearer and clearer that more words do not mean better classifications. As observed in other researches, very few words have a high degree of stability against borrowing, semantic shift and phonological erosion over a longer time frame.
That's a dumb argument, because this internal organ is a universal vertebrate feature, and most animals that we use for food are vertebrates, meaning that those ones have livers. Liver Then looking in liver - Wiktionary, the free dictionary reveals the word to be fairly stable.“liver” is certainly not a word suited for medium- and long-range classification, as it implies some kind of stable knowledge of anatomy at an equal level in various parts of the world.
With a longer word list, it can be easier. Are cognates concentrated in the more stable part of the list or the less stable part?The system cannot differentiate the nature of the signals behind the inferred long-range connections: relatedness or early language contact. However, as we can see throughout the research, the word list in use is highly resistant to borrowing.
Like using a longer word list and using protoforms as far as is reasonably feasible.Browsing the worldwide phylogeny in the online Supporting Information S5 File we see that well documented languages of Eurasia and Northern Africa (at the bottom of the file) lead to cleaner results. More noise interferes in the classifications of less documented languages like those of New Guinea, Australia or South America. Better quality of the data in use leads to a better differentiation between signals and noise.
Eggs are a secondary product, but are not listed here, because the PIE speakers did not have domestic birds.In this paper, an attempt is made to date the ancestor of all IndoEuropean languages on the basis of the Indo-European terminology for the exploitation of animals for products that do not require killing the animal (the "secondary products" revolution). It is argued that this terminology is compatible with a society that made use of animal traction, but that did not necessarily practice dairying or use wool for textile production. This is compatible with a date at the beginning of the fourth millennium BCE and with the hypothesis that this ancestor language was spoken by people of the so-called Khvalynsk culture on the Volga River.