lpetrich
Contributor
Why Is It So Hard for Democracy to Deal With Inequality? - The New York Times
Discusses Thomas Piketty's recent presentation Brahmin Left vs Merchant Right He is the author of "Capital in the Twenty-First Century". To quote him,
From the article,
Quoting from "Quiet Revolution: The Struggle for the Democratic Party and the Shaping of Post-Reform Politics" by Byron Shafer, before the tumult and reforms of the late 1960's and early 1970's,
In 1952 and 1956, 29% and 31% of college-educated voters voted for Adlai Stevenson. In 2012, 53% of them voted for Barack Obama.
Five years ago, Adam Bonica and some other researchers noted:
From 1980 to 2012, the top 0.01% wealth share went up from 3% to 11%, while over 1980 to 2016, their campaign-funding share went up from 16% to 40%. I recall a news article about some millionaire Republican donors grumbling that they were grossly outspent by the party's biggest donors.
Daron Acemoglu is somewhat skeptical. He claims that racial hostility, globalization, and decline in social mobility could explain much of those results. Thus when white blue-collar workers get put out of work, they start blaming racial and ethnic minorities.
Dean Baker:
Thomas Piketty concludes:
A common criticism of democracy in past centuries is that it enables the poor to come after the rich. But in recent centuries, rich people have discovered that they can buy the favor of elected leaders. Getting around that problem will be very difficult, it seems to me.
Discusses Thomas Piketty's recent presentation Brahmin Left vs Merchant Right He is the author of "Capital in the Twenty-First Century". To quote him,
In the 1950s-60s, the vote for left-wing (socialist) parties in France and the Democratic Party in the US used to be associated with lower education & lower income voters. It (the left) has gradually become associated since 1970s-80s with higher education voters, giving rise to a multiple-elite party system: high-education elites vote for the left, while high-income/high-wealth elites for the right, i.e., intellectual elite (Brahmin left) vs business elite (merchant right).
From the article,
There was a major split between the Democratic old guard and the New Left. It ended up hurting the Democratic Party badly, because the old guard included labor unions, and labor-union leaders like George Meany felt less than cherished. “They've got six open fags and only three AFL-CIO people on that delegation!” he said about the New York delegation of 1972. So they supported Richard Nixon in 1972, despite George McGovern's good record on labor issues.Changes in the structure of the electorate emerged in force during a period of unprecedented upheaval in the 1960s, when a combination of liberation movements — committed to civil rights, women’s rights, sexual freedom, the student left, decolonization and opposition to the Vietnam War — swept across Europe and the United States.
Quoting from "Quiet Revolution: The Struggle for the Democratic Party and the Shaping of Post-Reform Politics" by Byron Shafer, before the tumult and reforms of the late 1960's and early 1970's,
Afterwards,there was an American party system in which one party, the Republicans, was primarily responsive to white collar constituencies, and in which the other, the Democrats, was primarily responsive to blue collar constituencies.
there were two parties each responsive to quite different white collar constituencies, while the old blue collar majority within the Democratic Party was forced to try to squeeze back into the party once identified predominately with its needs.
In 1952 and 1956, 29% and 31% of college-educated voters voted for Adlai Stevenson. In 2012, 53% of them voted for Barack Obama.
Five years ago, Adam Bonica and some other researchers noted:
First, growing bipartisan acceptance of the tenets of free market capitalism. Second, immigration and low turnout among the poor resulting in an increasingly affluent median voter. Third, “rising real income and wealth has made a larger fraction of the population less attracted to turning to government for social insurance.” Fourth, the rich escalated their use of money to influence policy through campaign contributions, lobbying and other mechanisms. And finally, the political process has been distorted by polarization and gerrymandering in ways that “reduce the accountability of elected officials to the majority.”
From 1980 to 2012, the top 0.01% wealth share went up from 3% to 11%, while over 1980 to 2016, their campaign-funding share went up from 16% to 40%. I recall a news article about some millionaire Republican donors grumbling that they were grossly outspent by the party's biggest donors.
Daron Acemoglu is somewhat skeptical. He claims that racial hostility, globalization, and decline in social mobility could explain much of those results. Thus when white blue-collar workers get put out of work, they start blaming racial and ethnic minorities.
Dean Baker:
He proposes much broader policy changes, and he notesI see Piketty is missing the way in which markets have been restructured to redistribute income upward and to take away options for reversing inequality and promoting growth in ways that benefit low and middle income workers.
Donald Trump made a very big issue out of Hillary Clinton's Wall-Street connections, but he went on to hire Wall Streeters as White House staffers.The friends you keep matter. The speeches that folks like Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama give at Wall Street firms are not a good look. The banks don’t hand you huge honorariums if they think you are going to take their money and put them in prison.
Thomas Piketty concludes:
Globalisation (domestic vs external inequality) and educational expansion (education vs property inequality) have created new multi-dimensional conflicts about inequality and redistribution
• Why didn’t democracy reduce inequality?
• Because multi-dimensional coalitions are complicated
• Without a strong egalitarian-internationalist platform, it’s difficult to have the low-education, low-income voters from all origins vote for the same party. Racism/nativism = powerful
force dividing the poor if there’s no strong uniting platform.
• Politics has never been a simple poor vs rich conflict; one needs to look more carefully at the content of political cleavages
• Social sciences can help
A common criticism of democracy in past centuries is that it enables the poor to come after the rich. But in recent centuries, rich people have discovered that they can buy the favor of elected leaders. Getting around that problem will be very difficult, it seems to me.